Presidential Historian Robert Morrow says:
“Lucifer Before Jesus” murdered JFK because the Kennedys were out to slit LBJ’s throat in the fall of 1963 and that Lee Harvey Oswald was a completely innocent CIA patsy who was murdered by LBJ and H.L. Hunt (using Dallas mafia and Jack Ruby) so that Oswald could be posthumously framed for JFK’s murder by LBJ’s pal and neighbor for 19 years FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover.
Note: H.L. Hunt is the father of Dallas multi-billionaire
Ray Lee Hunt.
On the other hand, the following scores of Texas journalists, academics and commentators have definitively told you for decades that a lone nut Oswald killed JFK and there was no high-level domestic conspiracy in the JFK assassination.
WHO IS RIGHT: ROBERT MORROW or the FAKE NEWS MEDIA? Texas Monthly says a Lone Nut Killed JFK.
Lawrence Wright of the New Yorker in 2013 explains: “Conspiracy theories, like flies, they gather around big dead things. Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. There is so much evidence, it’s ridiculous to think there is another explanation.”
The following Texas journalists, professors and commentators have all told you for DECADES that A LONE NUT OSWALD KILLED JFK:
The Sixth Floor Museum, Texas Monthly, WFAA-Dallas, The Dallas
Morning News, Texas Tribune, The Texas Standard, CBS News, ABC News, NBC News, PBS, NPR, FOX, CNN, MSNBC, Newsmax, Wikipedia
Dan Rather of CBS,
Robert Dallek, historian of JFK and LBJ
Doris Kearns Goodwin, a friend who LBJ wanted to have sex with and who considered her to be a love interest.
Jeffrey Engel, professor at SMU
Hugh Aynesworth, longtime CIA asset at the Dallas Morning News
Ross Ramsey, Texas Tribune
Paul Burka, Texas Monthly
Brian Sweany, Texas Monthly
R.G. Ratcliffe, Texas Monthly
Don Graham, Texas Monthly
Steve Harrigan, Texas Monthly
Michael Hall, Texas Monthly
Gregory Curtis, Texas Monthly
Brian Burrough, Texas Monthly
Sean O’Neal, Texas Monthly
Jake Silverstein, formerly of Texas Monthly and now at NYT
Erica Greider, formerly of Texas Monthly now at Houston Chronicle
Matthew Dowd, ABC News
Bob Schieffer, CBS News
Walter Cronkite, CBS News
Jim Lehrer, former of the Dallas Times-Herald and later PBS News anchor
Bud Kennedy, Fort Worth Star-Telegram
Michael Granberry, Dallas Morning News
Alan Peppard, Dallas Morning News
Bill Minutaglio, Dallas Morning News
Hannah Wise, Dallas Morning News
Charles Scudder, Dallas Morning News
Dave Lieber, Dallas Morning News
Rod Dreher, formerly of the Dallas Morning News,
Scott Parks, Dallas Morning News
Jen Graffunder of the Dallas Morning News
Stella Chavez, of KERA and formerly of the Dallas Morning News
Bob Mong of the Dallas Morning News
Tom Huang of Dallas Morning News
Todd Gillman of the Dallas Morning News
Gordon Keith of the Dallas Morning News
Jana Pruet formerly of the Dallas Morning News
Rick Klein of ABC News and formerly of the Dallas Morning News
Glenn Hunter of D Magazine
Zac Crain, D Magazine
Wayne Lee Gay, Dallas Observer
Allain Stephens, Texas Standard
Michael Marks, Texas Standard
Michael King, Austin Chronicle
Dick Hollard, Austin Chronicle
Steve Davis of the Wiffliff Collections,
Jason Whitely, WFAA
Brad Watson, WFAA
Chris Lawrence, news anchor WFAA
Cynthia Izaguirre, news anchor at WFAA
John McCaa, longtime news anchor at WFAA
Ryan Wood – executive producer WFAA
David Schecter – a sneering lone nutter at WFAA
Farris Rookstool, former FBI analyst and WFAA contributor,
Oliver “Buck” Revell, former 30-year FBI Special Agent in Charge
Michael Gillette – executive director Humanities Texas
Harold Cook – Democratic strategist and well-known bitter pill
Horace Busby: Lyndon Johnson was acutely aware by Nov. 4, 1963 while he was out of the country in Luxembourg that the Kennedys had sent a SWAT team of FORTY national reporters to Texas to utterly destroy him
QUOTE
A mirthless smile played across the vice president’s lips, and he seem almost apologetic. “You may not believe what’s happening, but you may as well know.” Then he began relating what he had been learning from Walter Jenkins.
On Monday, as the vice president arrived in Luxembourg, teams of newsmen from major national publications began arriving almost simultaneously in Austin and Johnson City, as well as the major metropolitan centers of Texas. None of the reporters were known figures of the Washington press corps, but upward of forty correspondents thus far had been identified in different parts of the state. At first, when the newsmen began making their presence known, it was assumed that they were arriving to do advance stories on President Kennedy’s visit. One of the senior figures, however, quickly revealed the true purpose. Talking with an attorney whom he mistakenly believed to be a Johnson enemy, the newsman said: “We’re here to do a job on Lyndon Johnson. When we get through with the sonofabitch, Kennedy won’t be able to touch him with a ten-foot pole in 1964.”
It appeared to be a dragnet operation. The investigative teams were spreading out over the state, talking with attorneys, bankers, businessmen, and known political enemies of the vice president. Four or five publications were represented, but many questions from the different teams were almost identical. Evidently, someone had compiled and distributed a master dossier on the vice president’s twenty-six-year career in rough-and-tumble Texas politics; some questions, for example, involved campaign charges dating back to before World War II. “Whoever’s behind it,” the vice president conceded, “has done one hell of a thorough job.”
UNQUOTE
[Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 129-130]
Longtime LBJ aide, speechwriter and friend Horace Busby, describes how Lyndon Johnson had seen up close and personal previous vice presidents removed from the party ticket and vice presidency.
QUOTE
This was an old and popular game of power in Washington. “Dumping the vice president” began with Hannibal Hamlin, Abraham Lincoln’s first vice president, who was removed from the Republican ticket in 1864 largely because of President Lincoln’s own petulance and jealousy. Most vice presidents since had experienced the threat. During his own career in Washington, Lyndon Johnson had seen FDR’s first two vice president’s, John Nance Garner and Henry A. Wallace, “dumped” at Democratic conventions, and he had empathized with Vice President Richard M. Nixon in 1956, when a White House cabal had almost succeeded in persuading President Dwight Eisenhower to select a new running mate for the second term.
In those cases, the patterns were strikingly similar. Attacks against the incumbents came from within the “palace guard” at the White House or from among the power brokers in control of the party; in each instance, the objective was to control the line of succession – to dictate who would take over the party and perhaps the White House upon completion of the incumbent president’s term. The stakes had never been the vice presidency – that was virtually an irrelevancy – but, rather, the presidency itself.
When the vice president paused in his monologue, I asked the obvious question. The simultaneous arrival of the various teams of newsmen, the similarity of their dossiers and of our questions, the commonality of their revealed purposes – these things were not coincidence. “Who,” I asked “is orchestrating this?”
Lyndon Johnson made a face. He tucked his chin down, frowned and shook his head reprovingly, as though dealing with a youngster. “Buzz,” he said, pretending to be surprised, “you’ve been around too long to have to ask a question like that.”
Of course I was not asking from ignorance or innocence. At any level of politics, one always knows the adversaries; at the level of the vice presidency, involved as that office is with the intrigues of the reigning court, sensitivity rises far higher. But my question was purposeful. For three years, since the election in November, 1960, Lyndon Johnson had sealed his lips; even in the most private and confidential conversation, he would not permit himself to acknowledge that he had critics, detractors, or adversaries anywhere within the new administration. The principle might be commendable. “Nothing and nobody,” he explained, “is ever going to divide the president and me, and I’m not going to say anything to anybody, not even my wife, that might get back to the president and cause him a moment’s concern.” The discipline was exacting and inflexible, but it irritated some of us close to the vice president: he carried it, we thought, to the point of unreality. I wanted to draw him out.
“You mean –” I began, but he did not permit me to finish my question.
“I don’t mean anybody,” he snapped. “You can guess the answer, dammit, but I’m not about to start naming names.”
UNQUOTE
[Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 131-132]
Longtime LBJ aide and friend Horace Busby describes Lyndon Johnson, on Friday, Nov. 8 in Brussels, Belgium being extremely concerned about the nature of his potential “exit line” from the Kennedy Administration
QUOTE
As we passed the darkness of an ancient cathedral, he stopped abruptly, pushed his hat far back on his head, and turned toward me.
“Buzz,” he said, “I’ve had a good run of it. I’ve done a lot more and come a lot farther than anybody who came from where I come ever had any right to expect.” Agent Kivett had approached closely, checking whether some assistance might be needed. The vice president turned and glowered until he moved on out of earshot, then Lyndon Johnson leaned in very close, until his face almost touched mine, and his clenched fists began pumping up and down.
“If they want me to go, all they have to do is say so and I’ll be gone in five minutes.” His voice fell to a hoarse and confidential whisper. “I don’t care about that, it’s their business. What I do care about, my friend, is one thing.” He stopped and stood erect, turning to look in all directions. The street and the sidewalk were empty except for the two of us and Jerry Kivett, now half a block away. The vice president leaned in close again. Lips set tight, he spoke firmly. “I care about the exit line.”
UNQUOTE
[Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 134-135]
Longtime LBJ aide Horace Busby on the torrent of rumors and inquiries from reporters in mid November,1963 that JFK was going to drop
Lyndon Johnson from the 1964 ticket
QUOTE
In Washington, where I had remained, rumors ran amuck. Each day newsmen were calling George Reedy or Walter Jenkins or myself to check out the stories – always on “good authority” – that President Kennedy’s purpose in planning to spend the night at the LBJ Ranch was to break the news that Lyndon Johnson would not be on the ticket in 1964. When we traced these stories back to their sources, the origins lay not at the White House or among Kennedy intimates but among Texans in Washington friendly to Senator Yarborough. Repetition, nonetheless, had its effect, intensifying tensions, magnifying worries, expanding out imagination of what might go wrong on the Texas journey.”
UNQUOTE
[Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 139]
LBJ close aide Horace Busby was convinced that
LBJ’s days in office were over and November, 22, 1963 was a day that he, and presumably LBJ, faced with dread
QUOTE
On Friday, all those concerns would come together – the president’s ride through Dallas, the ticket sales for the fund-raising dinner at Austin, the climax at the LBJ Ranch after the politicking was done. November 22 was a day we all faced with dread.
On Thursday, November 21, I lunched with Leonard Marks at a club frequented by Washington’s television and radio reporters. Since my conversation with the vice president in Brussels, I had come to a gloomy but inescapable conclusion that Lyndon Johnson’s days in that office were numbered; if the end did not come the following day in Texas, ugly times were clearly ahead for us all in Washington. I did not want to be around; the toll of peripheral involvement in palace politics was too great.
UNQUOTE
[Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, p. 141]
For further reading, please google my essays on LBJ:
1) Robert Morrow: “The Scary Mental Instabilities of Lyndon Johnson”
2) Robert Morrow: “The Murderous Psychopathy of Lyndon Johnson”
3) Robert Morrow: “LBJ Canceled an Air Force plane for a top Boston brain surgeon for dying RFK”
4) Robert Morrow: “Lyndon Johnson and party: drunk, laughing, celebrating immediately after JFK’s murder. Air Force Steward Doyle Whitehead reports”
5) Robert Morrow: “LBJ- even on election night 11-8-60, was extremely unhappy about being elected vice president under JFK”
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