Wednesday, October 6, 2021

Jim DiEugenio reviews "The Devil is in the Details" - Alan Dale's series of interviews with legendary JFK document expert Malcolm Blunt

 

Saturday, 20 March 2021

The Devil is in the Details: By Malcolm Blunt with Alan Dale

 Web link: The Devil is in the Details: By Malcolm Blunt with Alan Dale (kennedysandking.com)

Review by James DiEugenio

 

Malcolm Blunt may, in fact, be the most important little-known JFK researcher of our generation. Jim DiEugenio uses this review of Alan Dale’s excellent new oral history, The Devil is in the Details, to survey Malcolm’s crucial contributions to the evidence that has been exposed today and to pay tribute to his tireless, selfless, and insightful work.


This book is an oral history. The interviewer is Alan Dale and the interviewee is Malcolm Blunt—with minor appearances by authors Jefferson Morley and John Newman.

Dale is the executive director of Jim Lesar’s Assassination Archives and Research Center (AARC). He has worked with authors like Newman and Joan Mellen. He is a close friend and admirer of Malcolm Blunt, who is, by far, the major personage in the book. Unfortunately, many people, even in the critical community, do not know who Malcolm is. Why is that?

That is because every once in a while there comes a character in the JFK case who isn’t interested in doing interviews, starting a blog, writing books or articles, or getting on the radio. This type of person essentially wants to dig into those 2 million pages that were declassified by the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). He or she wants to find out what is and is not in that treasure trove. I was lucky enough to know someone like this back in the nineties. His name was Peter Vea. He was an American living in Japan at the time the ARRB was forming. He said he was returning to the USA, relocating to Virginia and planned on visiting the National Archives to see what had been declassified. He asked if I would be interested in him sending me some of these documents. I said, of course I would. Many of the articles in Probe magazine were based upon the discoveries that Peter made in the archives. And Bill Davy’s fine book, Let Justice be Done, owes much to Peter’s work. But yet, Peter is virtually unknown today.

Malcolm Blunt took up Peter’s baton. The extraordinary thing about Malcolm is this: he does not live in America. He lives across the pond in England. He travels to America to make long visits to the National Archives. Up to now, he has not written a book. He shares his discoveries with other researchers who he thinks would be interested in the particular subject matter. I know this because I have been the sometime recipient of his largesse.

In this book, Alan Dale tried to elicit some of the discoveries Malcolm has made in his many visits to the Archives. In that regard, it is an unusual book, since I know of no prior attempt to do such a thing. The volume is made up of ten long interviews done from 2014–18. There is a lengthy back matter section, consisting of 8 appendixes and a penultimate 3-page section labeled as “Afterthought.”

II

A ways into the book, on page 321, Malcolm explains why he decided to take this route as his journey of discovery for the assassination of John F. Kennedy. He explains that he was disappointed in most of the books he was reading, which he thought were rather theory heavy but factually light. Plus, so many had different ideas as to what happened. He decided to go the alternative route: no theories, just as many facts as he could find in the documents. He started in Dallas at the police archives there and then moved to the National Archives in Washington. There he began with FBI files and then he went into everything else.

One of the first discoveries he made was rather important. Contrary to what the official story had been, the FBI did not receive the assassination evidence out of Dallas after Lee Harvey Oswald was shot. They were in receipt of it over the weekend and then returned it to Dallas on Sunday. (p. 19) In his testimony before the Warren Commission, FBI employee James Cadigan gave away this information. Since the hearings were closed, Commissioner Allen Dulles had that part of his transcript excised from the record. (p. 20)

Maybe one reason for doing that is because the Dallas inventory of exhibits differs from the FBI inventory list. One example being that the FBI had turned Oswald’s Minox camera into a light meter. Malcolm also notes that the Minox in the National Archives—there were two shown to Marina Oswald during her House Select Committee on Assassinations interview—is inoperable. It is sealed shut. (p. 23) Malcolm thinks the reason for this is that it would reveal police officer Gus Rose’s initials inside the camera. And that would prove the police picked up the camera on their weekend visit to Ruth Paine’s home. Resisting FBI pressure tactics, Rose always insisted he picked up a camera there and not a light meter. (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 910) This chicanery would indicate that both Dulles and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover wished to keep that camera out of Oswald’s hands. They wanted no indication in public that Oswald owned what was considered at that time a rare and expensive spy camera.

With Jefferson Morley visiting, Malcolm and Alan review what they consider another landmark on the road to discovery about the JFK case. This was the Morley/Newman interview with Jane Roman. (p. 29) In 1963, Jane Roman was a senior liaison officer for the CIA’s Counter Intelligence staff, which meant—among other things—that she handled communications with other federal offices. Morley saw her name on a routing slip concerning documents about Oswald before the assassination. He located her in the Washington area and he and Newman talked to her in the autumn of 1994. Morley had fished out a document that Roman had signed and sent to Mexico City saying that, as of 10/10/63, the latest information CIA had on Oswald was a State Department report from May of 1962.

Here was the problem: that Oswald cable was clearly false. Because—as was her position—she had read and signed-off on, at the minimum, two FBI reports on Oswald from 1963. They arrived on her desk just a week prior to October 10th and one described Oswald being arrested in New Orleans. Her signature was on both Bureau reports. When presented with this puzzle as to why she had been part of a false declaration to Mexico City, Roman replied that her only rationale would be that the Special Affairs Staff had all the data about Oswald under their tight control. She also added that she was not in on any sabotage aspect as far as Cuba went. She then said that the person in control of the cable to Mexico City would have been Tom Karamessines, who was the right hand man to Dick Helms. Helms was the Director Of Plans in 1963, in other words he was in charge of covert operations. (Jefferson Morley, ‘What Jane Roman Said”, at History Matters.com)

When Newman pressed her on what this all meant, Roman replied with something that was probably a milestone at the time. She said, “To me it’s indicative of a keen interest in Oswald held very closely on a need to know basis.” She then added that there must have been a reason to withhold that information from Mexico City. (John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, p. 405) For the first time, someone had an oral declaration from a CIA employee that the Agency had a keen interest, on a need to know basis, about Oswald. This was just weeks before the assassination. And Richard Helms’ assistant was the principal officer on the cable. Later in the book, Malcolm will relate another conversation with a different CIA employee and it will echo this one, except it will be about Oswald back in 1959—before his defection to Russia.

III

Blunt now goes into areas that, as far as I know, no one has ever broached before. Everyone knows about the CIA and its 201 files, sometimes called personnel files. This was a rather common file within the Agency that had about five different reasons to be opened. Yet I had never heard of a 301 file. These are corporate files held in Record Integration Division (RID) and also in the Office of Security (OS). They included companies, charities, churches, banks, and financial service companies. The CIA had interests in dropping people into these organizations for cover purposes. (p. 354) What makes this even more important is another disclosure Blunt made earlier. That is the CIA had something called an IDN system in place prior to 1964. That system named individuals who had been targeted at their organizations. (p. 289) I don’t have to tell the reader how helpful that combination should have been to any real inquiry into the JFK case e.g. with Reily Coffee Company. And why was IDN dismantled in 1964?

Malcolm also points out two pieces of internal subterfuge that impacted the inquiry of the Warren Commission. As he was going through the FBI documents at the Archives, he noticed the code UACB on many of them. What that meant in FBI lingo was this: Do not follow this lead. The acronym literally stands for: Unless Authority Communicated from Bureau. (p. 264) Malcolm said that, within the first 48 hours, many of the FBI documents were marked like this in the bottom left hand corner. (p. 118)

This perfectly jibes with what the late FBI agent Bill Turner once told this reviewer. Turner had been in the FBI for about ten years. He had left by the time of the Kennedy assassination. He had now become a journalist, but he still had ties within the Bureau. In 1964, he was writing a free-lance article on the JFK case. He asked a couple of active agents if he could see some of their reports. He then saw more of these later when the Commission volumes were issued. He immediately recognized something was wrong.

As Turner told this reviewer, there were three steps in any FBI investigation:

1.   The gathering of all relevant leads

2.   The following out of those leads to their ultimate end, and

3.   The collation of all-important information into a report that did not come to a conclusion.

He then said if you did not do step two—which clearly the agents had not done in the JFK case—then your report was worthless. But, in spite of that, the FBI had come to a conclusion about the Kennedy case anyway. To him, this was a dead giveaway that the fix was in from above. FBI agents simply did not act like that on their own. These two sources of information on the same key issue dovetail with each other. They help explain why the Warren Commission ended up being stillborn.

Malcolm then expands on this point—and again in a way I had not seen before. The US Attorney’s office in Dallas had accumulated four boxes of witness statements and sent them to the National Archives in 1965. This included statements from people like Ruth Paine. According to Malcolm, the boxes contained statements that were “excised from testimony; it’d been cut out. It’s what the US attorneys down in Dallas called ‘No Good Testimony’.” (p. 256) When Blunt went looking for it, he found it has been reduced to two small gray boxes, he said there is “a little bit in the first box; not much in the second box.” (ibid)

Again, one should relate to this something that Barry Ernest discovered. It is what is referred to today as the “Stroud letter.” Marcia Joe Stroud was an assistant US attorney in Dallas. In 1964, she was reviewing some witness depositions from the Texas School Book Depository. One was Victoria Adams and another was Dorothy Ann Garner, Adams’ supervisor at the Scott Foresman bookseller’s office in the Depository. While searching through the National Archives, Barry saw a cover letter dated June 2, 1964. In part, the letter read as follows:

Mr. Belin was questioning Miss Adams about whether or not she saw anyone as she was running down the stairs. Miss Garner, Miss Adams’ supervisor, stated this morning that after Miss Adams’ went downstairs, she (Miss Garner) saw Mr. Truly and the policeman come up.” (The Girl on the Stairs, p. 215)

As Barry writes in his book, the feeling he had when he read this was like getting punched in the stomach. In the entire 888 pages of the Warren Report, one will not see the name of Dorothy Garner. And she was not called as a witness before the Commission. Yet, Stroud had sent this cover letter over Adams’ testimony to the Commission early in June of 1964. The Commission took testimony until early September. (Walt Brown, The Warren Omission, p. 238) This letter certified that after Adams and Sandra Styles went down the stairs, Depository supervisor Truly and policeman Marrion Baker came up the stairs. In other words, the idea that Adams was on the stairs before or after Lee Oswald came up is highly improbable. One has to wonder, was this part of the “no good testimony” that the Dallas US attorneys took? Except this one survived. But it was not discovered until 1999.

IV

Malcolm was and is quite interested in Richard Snyder. Snyder was the State Department employee in Moscow who first greeted Oswald at the American embassy after his arrival there via Helsinki. The book certifies the fact that, as Greg Parker and Bill Simpich have also mentioned, Snyder worked for the CIA before he joined the State Department. He was a part of Operation REDSKIN. This was an attempt to recruit students studying Russian at places like Harvard. At this time, Snyder was being supervised by Nelson Brickham of the Soviet Russia Division of the CIA and one of the people he pitched was Zbigniew Brzezinski. Yet, Snyder denied he was working for the CIA at this time. (p. 107) As Parker wrote, when he went to Moscow, at the time Oswald was in his office, there was an assistant named Ned Keenan with Snyder and Ned had been part of the REDSKIN project. (p. 44)

This circle closes after Snyder left the State Department; he applied for a position in the CIA. As Malcolm notes, they placed him at work for an agency called Joint Press Reading Service. His job there was to read and analyze foreign publications. (p. 280)

The book also reminds us that Snyder’s colleague at the embassy, John McVickar, somehow knew that Oswald would be placed at work at a radio factory in Minsk. (p. 217) Once he got there, Moscow surrounded him with their agents. According to Malcolm, at one time, the KGB enlisted as many as 20 assets to surveil Oswald. (p. 220) And as Ernst Titovets revealed in his book, Oswald: Russian Episode, this included using spies on buses and also bugging his apartment. (Titovets, pp. 61, 115) In the light of this, the recent book co-authored by former CIA Director James Woolsey about the Russians recruiting Oswald as an assassin to kill President Kennedy is preposterous.

This all coincides with another genuine find by Malcolm Blunt. He allowed Kennedys and King to use this hidden jewel in Vasilios Vazakas’ fine series, Creating the Oswald Legend, Part 4. (Click here for details) I am speaking here about the stunning discoveries by Betsy Wolf about the creation and routing of Oswald’s file at CIA after the defection.

We have seen above how the Russians clearly suspected that Oswald was not a genuine defector, to the point that they used an extensive combination of human and electronic surveillance to monitor his every move. What happened at CIA would imply they were correct. There is no trace in the Warren Report or its 26 accompanying volumes of testimony and exhibits, that they had any hint of what Malcolm uncovered at the National Archives. It was not until over a decade later that the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) began to uncover this troubling but revealing mystery about Oswald. The person who did it was HSCA researcher Betsy Wolf. Yet most of the startling discoveries she made were not detailed or explained in the HSCA report or its accompanying volumes. In fact, as Malcolm found out, much of her work only exists in the form of her handwritten notes. He could not find where her original work product about the Oswald file had been typed into memorandum form. Further, her work was deemed so sensitive that much of it was delayed on a timed-release pattern (i.e. it was not declassified until after the Assassination Records Review Board closed its doors in 1998).

Since much of what Malcolm discusses in the book is based on Wolf’s notes, I will source most of what follows from those notes as used by Vasilios in his first-rate article. Betsy Wolf was puzzled by the fact that the CIA had not set up a 201 file on Oswald after they knew he had defected to Moscow—in fact they did not do so until 13 months later. What further bewildered here was this: he had offered the Russians secrets of the U2 spy plane. Oswald was familiar with the U2 from his tour in the Far East at Atsugi air base in Japan where the high altitude aircraft was housed. In late October of 1959, the CIA was getting this kind of information through both the Navy and the State Department; the latter since Snyder was a diplomat. This data—plus the fact that there were more than five documents on Oswald at CIA—should have caused the opening of a 201, or “personnel file.” In fact, Betsy discovered that four documents on Oswald arrived at CIA the first week after the defection. Yet, in apparent violation of CIA’s internal guidelines, no 201 file was opened.

This leads to the second conundrum about the routing of Oswald’s original file: its destination. In an interview the HSCA did with CIA Officer William Larson, he said that the Oswald documents should have gone to the Soviet Russia (SR) Division. (HSCA interview of 6/27/78) They did not. These early files instead went to Office of Security (OS). What made that puzzling is that in this same interview, Larson said that OS did not set up 201 files. (Ibid) And Malcolm adds this: there was a bridge between OS and CI/SIG (Counter Intelligence/Special Investigations Group). This was James Angleton’s super-secret compartment which, quite literally, spied on the Agency’s spies. (p. 31)

Just from the above, this is all rather fishy. Did someone not want a 201 file set up on Oswald? When Betsy interviewed Director of Central Reference H. C. Eisenbeiss, he said that the way documents were funneled into the Agency—called dissemination of files—was governed by written requests from customer offices. (Wolf notes of 9/18/78) This would indicate that someone from OS directed Oswald’s files bypass the general system and go only to OS instead. After all, as Malcolm notes, some of these early documents from State and Navy had multiple copies attached for expected distribution to various departments. In one case, as many as fifteen copies were included. (pp. 344–45)

Only toward the end of her search did Betsy find out what had happened. Betsy’s notes include an interview with the former OS chief Robert Gambino. According to Malcolm, her handwritten notes are the only place anyone can find anything about this particular interview. (Wolf notes of 7/26/78) Gambino told her that CIA Mail Logistics was in charge of disseminating incoming documents. In other words, someone made this request about the weird routing of Oswald’s files from OS’s Security Research Service. (p. 324) And this was done prior to Oswald’s defection. Malcolm concludes that with what Betsy unearthed, there should now be no question that the CIA knew Oswald was going to defect before it happened.

An important part of the book deals with Malcolm’s friendship with CIA officer Tennent ”Pete” Bagley. Bagley worked out of the Counterintelligence unit in the Soviet Russia division; he also worked in Europe at, among other stations, Bern and Brussels, where he was chief of station. Malcolm met him after he was retired and living in Brussels. In retirement, Bagley was writing books about his career. They largely focused on the CIA’s battles with the KGB, for example, on whether or not Yuri Nosenko was a plant or a real defector. Bagley thought he was the former.

While putting together Betsy Wolf’s discoveries about the odd nature of the opening of Oswald’s files at CIA HQ, Malcolm decided to talk to Bagley about it. He told him how his old Soviet Russia division was zeroed out of information about Oswald’s defection for 13 months—even though, at times, the CIA was getting 15 copies of an Oswald document. (pp. 344–45) Malcolm then drew the routing scheme up as he had deciphered the entry path from Betsy’s work.


Bagley looked at the illustration of the routing path. He then looked up at Malcolm and asked him something like: OK, was Oswald witting or unwitting? Malcolm did not want to answer the question, but Bagley badgered him. He blurted out, “Unwitting.” Bagley firmly replied: Nope. He had to be witting and knowledgeable about how the CIA was using him and, therefore, he was working for them in some capacity.

In this reviewer’s opinion, what Malcolm Blunt did on this issue— excavating the heroic work of Betsy Wolf, piecing it together part by part, then showing it to Bagley—constitutes one of the keystone discoveries made possible by the ARRB. Its importance should not be understated. It is a hallmark achievement.

V

Malcom follows up on this discovery by commenting on it in two ways: one through a comparison, one by creating a parallel. He and Alan note that another defector’s files, Robert Webster, did not enter the system like this. They were normally distributed and went to the Soviet Russia Division. (p. 68) He then says that this almost incomprehensible CIA anomaly with Oswald in 1959 is then bookended by another attempt to rig the system (i.e. with Oswald in Mexico City in the fall of 1963). What are the odds of that happening to one person in four years? (p. 295) He also adds that, to him, the weaknesses in the Mexico City story are the tendentiousness of the alleged trip down and his return. Both David Josephs and John Armstrong agree with that analysis.

Malcolm’s recovery of Betsy Wolf’s notes also contributed something else that was important about Mexico City. Something that, to my knowledge, no one knew before. Miraculously, Betsy got access to a chronology penned by Ray Rocca. As James Angleton’s first assistant, Rocca cabled Luis Echeverria on November 23rd. Echeverria was the Secretary of Interior in Mexico who would eventually take over the Mexico City inquiry—thereby foreclosing the Warren Commission and getting out ahead of the FBI. Rocca wired Luis about the relationship between Oswald and Sylvia Duran. How did Rocca know that Echeverria would eventually be running the inquiry about Oswald at that early date? At that time, James Angleton was not even in charge of the CIA investigation for the Warren Commission.

Secondly, on that same day, a CIA agent escorted Elena Garro de Paz to the Vermont Hotel. This is the woman who would try to discredit Duran by saying that Duran was seen at a twist party with Oswald and had some kind of sexual affair with the alleged assassin. Since Duran worked at the Cuban embassy, this implied that somehow Castro was a part of the plot. (John Newman, Oswald and the CIA, pp. 379–85) How on earth did anyone know about the significance and the opposition of these two witnesses within 24 hours of the crime?

In addition, there is this nugget of new information. The National Security Agency (NSA) had intercepts on Mexico City communications. The Warren Commission knew about this. So J. Lee Rankin sent a letter to Jack Blake of the NSA about this information, since he knew it was independent of the CIA coverage. (pp. 63–65) There is no evidence today that there was a reply.

Malcolm explored the papers of a relatively unknown personage who I recently wrote about, Comptroller of the Currency James Saxon. While going through his papers at the Kennedy Library, he came to the same conclusion I did: Kennedy was using Saxon to challenge the suzerainty of the Federal Reserve Board. (Click here for details) In fact, he even goes further than I—and even author Donald Gibson—did in that regard. He tells Alan that Kennedy wanted Saxon to actually attempt to supersede the Federal Reserve as far as its control of the banking system. (p. 269) This was Kennedy’s way of loosening the money supply and injecting a Keynesian stimulus into the economy. (p. 270) This would serve as a complement to his tax cut and would precede his planned capital improvements program. Malcolm also adds that—because of this—the longtime chair of the Federal Reserve—hard money banker William McChesney Martin—was not a fan of Kennedy. (ibid) And for whatever reason, Lyndon Johnson agreed with Martin. The new president did not renew Saxon’s five year term when it expired in 1966.

Because Malcolm has spent so much time in the National Archives, he is in a good position to alert us as to what is there and what is not—but should be. One of his most interesting discoveries is the fact that the Office of Security file series on Oswald has a rather large hole in it. Since Oswald’s file was originally opened by that department, they later put together a series on the alleged defector. Both CIA Directors, Robert Gates and George Tenet, called for the assembly of all CIA files on Oswald for the Review Board. Yet that series did not come forth until the Board called for it themselves. They did this based on the work that Betsy Wolf had done for the HSCA, this is how they proved it existed. (pp. 327–28) It was supposed to consist of seven volumes. Yet somehow today, it is missing Volume Five. That one does not exist today. Yet as Malcolm notes, Betsy Wolf took notes on it, so it did exist at one time.

This is only the beginning of a very serious problem about these Kennedy assassination files. As Malcolm and John Newman note, somehow, some way, many of them have simply disappeared. (p. 240) And it’s not just from NARA. Malcolm found out that the papers of author Edward Epstein from his book Legend were housed at Georgetown. Reader’s Digest had financed the rather large budget for that book, which included payment for a fleet of researchers, including Henry Hurt. They then placed much of the documentation under the name of their since deceased editor, Fulton Oursler Jr., at Georgetown. One of the boxes contained many of the interviews done with the Marines who knew Oswald. Some of these subjects were not interviewed by the Warren Commission. These were made off limits to Malcolm and he told Pete Bagley about it. Bagley knew Oursler and got permission for Malcolm to see the interviews. Blunt flew over and requested the box. When he got it, the Marine interviews were gone. (p. 51)

VI

There are many other areas that I have not addressed, simply because this review would be twice as long if I did. But I would like to close this discussion of Blunt’s discoveries with the story of Cliff Shasteen. Shasteen was the 39-year-old proprietor of a barber shop who cut Oswald’s hair in Irving, where Ruth and Michael Paine lived. You will not find his name in the Warren Report and the reader will soon understand why. He said that he cut Oswald’s hair about every two weeks, a total of three or four times, while other barbers who worked for him also cut Oswald’s hair. (WC Vol. 10, p. 314) Oswald usually came in on a Friday night or on a Saturday morning. Cliff also recalled a youth, aged about 14, who came in with Oswald, and once by himself—and that was about four days before the assassination. (WC Vol. 10, p. 312) While there by himself, he began spouting Marxist philosophy, shocking the adults in his presence, including Shasteen. (Ibid; see also Michael Benson, Who’ Who in the JFK Assassination, p. 415) As Benson notes, even though Shasteen testified before the Commission, neither they nor the FBI ever found out who the sometime companion was. Shasteen greatly regretted not taking him out for dinner to find out where he got his philosophy from.

Malcolm and Alan mention this intriguing incident and the testimony of grocery store owner Leonard Hutchison, where Shasteen said he also saw Oswald. (p. 265; see also Sylvia Meagher, Accessories After the Fact, pp. 364–65) But for many years, the identity of the companion who wanted to put on a show, minus Oswald, was unknown. Thanks to some fine work by Greg Parker, we now have a good idea who the “Marxist” was. His name very likely was Bill Hootkins. (p. 305; also, click here and scroll down) And this is where it all gets rather interesting. In fact, it may explain why the FBI never found out his identity.

At this time, late in 1963, Hootkins was Ruth Paine’s private Russian language student. Ruth worked with the sons and daughters of the Dallas elite at a private school, St. Mark’s. She had an agreement to tutor them at that facility, so she would pick Hootkins up at his home, drive him to the school, and then return him to his house. What makes this even more intriguing is that Hootkins became a rather proficient and prolific actor, and his career may have started at this time. (Click here for details)

According to Parker, FBI agent Jim Hosty knew about Ruth’s work at St. Mark’s and later learned about the Hootkins lessons. But as Parker notes, somehow, no one in the FBI put together Hootkins and Shasteen, even though Shasteen’s description fit Hootkins quite well. And Ruth Paine had Hootkin’s contact details in her address book—a point which Ruth tried to brush off. But as Shasteen also noted, he saw Oswald drive up to his shop with Hootkins in a car he described that matched one of the Paine automobiles. (John Armstrong, Harvey and Lee, p. 582)

Parker incisively notes the manner in which Ruth answered questions to the FBI about the incident. When asked if she had any idea about who the kid was, she said she knew of no boy of 14 associated with Oswald from the neighborhood. As Greg notes, Hootkins was not from that neighborhood. She also denied ever letting Oswald drive her car alone. Yet, when Oswald drove to Shasteen’s, he was with Hootkins. The answer also leaves open the possibility that it may have been her husband Michael who allowed Oswald to take the car.

Of the early critics, only Sylvia Meagher ever mentioned Shasteen and Hutchison. But this reviewer finds it interesting that one of the lead investigators on Shasteen was FBI agent Bardwell Odum. (WC Vol. 10, p. 318) As most of us know, Odum was quite friendly with the Paines. In fact, as Carol Hewett points out, Odum cooperated with the Paines to posthumously separate Oswald from his Minox camera. (The Assassinations, edited by James DiEugenio and Lisa Pease, pp. 238–49) According to Parker, the other two barbers working with Shasteen had their statements “fragrantly altered” by the FBI. “They were specifically told what to add—and what was added had the sole purpose of trying to distance Hootkins from the whole affair.” (3/19 email from Parker)

Blunt takes this intriguing episode a bit further. It only seems that no one noticed this rather interesting episode. It appears that someone, somewhere actually did notice. During his talk with Shasteen, Oswald was asked where he picked up his yellow shoes. Oswald said he went down to Mexico every so often and that is how he got them. (p. 303) It turns out that Malcolm later discovered that this might be a case of file seeding, that is of an agency planting disinformation in another agency’s files, because it turned out that the CIA began sending materials over to the FBI about one Ramon Cortez. Cortez was in the import/export business and owned a company called Transcontinental, which sent black market vehicles from the USA into Cuba. Cortez owned a shoe factory in Tijuana called Clarice. The CIA began to push the Cortez/Transcontinental documents onto the FBI in, get this, December of 1963, when they had this information in 1961.

As much file work as Malcolm has done, and for as long as he has done it, he still understands the Big Picture issues. Led by people like Paul Hoch, Tony Summers, and Peter Scott, he addresses what had been the conventional wisdom about Jim Garrison for many years. Namely that there was no there, there. And whatever was there was worthless. Blunt takes issue with that thunderous cliché. He says that Garrison was a patriotic man who was doing his best under the stress of a terrible attack by the CIA. When Malcolm reviewed his materials, he concluded that “the guy did miracles, really.” (p. 378) He then mentions the newest documents on Permindex, which John Newman used for Jacob Hornberger’s ongoing webinar. (Click here for details) About John Kennedy’s assassination, he states that considering who he was and where he was headed—for example in the Middle East—his loss was incalculable. (pp. 273, 384) He sums it up tersely with, “Jesus Christ! What we lost when we lost that man.”

Let’s all hope we don’t lose Malcolm Blunt.

  •  

James DiEugenio

James DiEugenio

One of the most respected researchers and writers on the political assassinations of the 1960s, Jim DiEugenio is the author of two books, Destiny Betrayed (1992/2012) and The JFK Assassination: The Evidence Today (2018), co-author of The Assassinations, and co-edited Probe Magazine (1993-2000).   See "About Us" for a fuller bio.

 

Friday, October 1, 2021

1994 Larry Harris Video on the Frame up of Lee Harvey Oswald for J.D. Tippit murder

 We are almost 58 years in the the great propaganda campaign by the elites of the USA in government, media and academia to convince us, the American people, that a lone nut killed JFK and this lone nut "communist" had absolutely no motive to murder JFK.

A big part of the frame up of completely innocent CIA patsy Lee Harvey Oswald for the JFK assassination was to also to immediately frame him for the murder of J.D. Tippit.

The Warren Commission said that Oswald was waiting on a bus outside of his boarding home at 1:03PM (9/10ths of a mile from Tippit murder scene). Helen Markham, a witness to the Tippit murder was quite convinced that she saw the murder of J.D. Tippit at about 1:06 to 1:07 PM on November 22, 1963. She was sure of this because the clock in her laundry room at her apartment complex said 1:04 PM and the FBI timed her walk to the Tippit murder scene and it came out to a 2-3 minute walk to Tenth and Patton. 

So there is no way in hell that Oswald could have walked to the Tippit murder scene by the time of the murder of Officer J.D. Tippit.

Larry Harris, when he was alive, was the world's expert on the Tippit murder scene and he guesses that Tippit was murdered at 1:09 PM and he never believed from his detailed research that Oswald was not at the Tippit murder scene.

Excellent 1994 Larry Harris presentation on the Frame up of Oswald for the J.D. Tippit murder

 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2gMIOO23ZD0 

 

On YouTube under the video name “ASK Nov 1994 Tippit”

 

John Armstrong on why Oswald was NOT AT the scene of the J.D. Tippit shooting:

 

John Armstrong:

“If Tippit was shot as early as 1:10, "Harvey Oswald" could not possibly have run from his rooming house to 10th & Patton…in 6 minutes. In addition to this time problem, not a single witness, in heavily populated Oak Cliff, saw anyone resembling Harvey Oswald after the Tippit shooting (except Mrs. Roberts and those at the Texas Theatre).In order for the Warren Commission to assert that Oswald killed Tippit, there had to be enough time for him to walk from his rooming house to 10th & Patton—about a mile away.

 The Warren Commission and HSCA ignored [Helen] Markham's time of 1:06 PM, did not interview T. F. Bowley (1:10 PM), did not ask Roger Craig (1:06 PM) and did not use the time shown on original Dallas police logs. Instead, the Warren Commission (1964) concluded that Oswald walked that distance in 13 minutes. The House Select Committee on Assassinations (1978) determined the time was 14 minutes, 30 seconds. Both concluded Oswald was last seen at the corner of Beckley and Zang at 1:03 PM. Either of their times, 13 minutes or 14 minutes and 30 seconds, would place Oswald at 10th & Patton at 1:16 PM or later. The time of the Tippit shooting as placed by the Commission,1:16 PM, contradicted the testimony of Markham, Bowley, Craig and the Dallas Police log. Another problem for the Warren Commission to overcome was the direction in which Oswald was walking. If he was walking west, as all of the evidence suggested, he would have had to cover even more ground in the same unreasonably short period of time. The Dallas Police recorded that the defendant was walking "west in the 400 block of East 10th." The Commission ignored the evidence—5 witnesses and the official Dallas Police report of the event—and said he was walking east, away from the Texas Theater.”

Matt Douthit – Facebook post on 1-1-2021 on the Innocence of Oswald in the Tippit shooting:

 Updated.

FAST FACTS ON THE TIPPIT MURDER:

• Oswald could not have walked the 9/10 of a mile from his rooming house in time to shoot Tippit. Oswald left his rooming house at 1:04 PM and then waited “several minutes” at a bus stop—Officer Tippit was shot no later than 1:10.

• No one saw Oswald walking or jogging the supposed route.

• Oswald would’ve been walking east—all the witnesses say the killer was walking WEST.

• The closest witness to the shooting was never taken to a lineup.

• The “star witness” said she didn’t recognize anyone in the lineup. She said she picked Oswald ONLY because she got “cold chills”. Huh?

• The shells could not be linked with the bullets.

• The bullets could not be linked with the revolver.

• At the scene of the crime, an officer marked the shells with his initials to record the chain of evidence—those initials are not on the shells which the Warren Commission presents to him. Three additional officers’ initials also disappeared.

• The shells in evidence could not be identified by the witnesses as the ones they found that day.

• 5 witnesses picked Oswald, but from rigged lineups.

• 4 witnesses picked Oswald’s photo, but after he was dead and after he was nationally known.

• 1 witness only picked Oswald’s photo after he was shot in the head.

• The closest witness only picked Oswald after his brother, who closely resembled him, was murdered.

• 10 witnesses refused to identify Oswald as the shooter or as the man fleeing the scene.

• 6 witnesses saw two men who were involved or may have been involved.

• 1 witness saw a man leave the shooting in a car.

• 2 witnesses reported another police car at the scene when Tippit was shot, and another said policemen were already present when she came out of the house after hearing the shots (this was more than 10 minutes before policemen officially arrived at the scene).

• 1 witness (Searcy) was never interviewed.

• 1 potential witness (Holmes) was never interviewed.

• 1 witness (Chapman) only heard the shots and didn’t see the murder or the fleeing gunman.

• 3 alleged witnesses came out of nowhere many years after the fact, and another one was mentioned.

• 13 witnesses (Clemmons, Wright, Higgins, Burt, McRavin, Bowley, Searcy, R. Brock, Cimino, W. L. Smith, Kinneth, Austin, Holmes) were ignored by the government altogether.

• The lead detective admitted that they didn’t have any evidence on Oswald.

• The police found a WHITE jacket—the jacket in evidence is GRAY (Marina Oswald wasn’t sure if this was her husband’s). Oswald left his house wearing a DARK jacket—the killer wore a LIGHT jacket. The jacket in evidence is size “medium”—Oswald wore size “small”. The jacket in evidence bore a laundry tag—but Marina said none of her husband’s clothes ever went to any laundry, instead she washed them herself. In the end, the FBI checked 717 laundries—from Dallas to New Orleans—and were unable to match the tag.

• The killer wore a light shirt and light jacket—yet Oswald was wearing a dark shirt and dark jacket.

• The killer put his hands on Tippit’s car—fingerprints were lifted, and they did not match Oswald.


Sincerely,

Robert Morrow

Presidential Historian and Distinguished Fellow at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Institute for the Study of Presidential Crime

The World’s Foremost Authority on the JFK Assassination

The Top Historian in the World on Lyndon Johnson

The Greatest Presidential Historian in American History

Nation’s #1 Opposition Researcher on the Clintons

Up and Coming Scholar on the USS Liberty Murders 

 A lot smarter than anyone who has ever written for Texas Monthly, Texas Tribune or the Washington Post

Austin, TX     512-306-1510 


Wednesday, September 22, 2021

The USS Liberty Story by Ernie Gallo

 THE USS LIBERTY STORY

 

The USS Liberty – the most decorated Navy ship (single action)

PURPOSE -- The USS Liberty Veterans Association (LVA) has tried for over 53 years to expose the true story of the deliberate Israeli attack on the USS Liberty to the American people through books, news media, movies, and letters to the President of the United States and congressmen.  The mission of the LVA is to pursue the publication of the true story.  While we have encountered politicians and news media personnel who were willing to help, they have been unable to interest their superiors or others in supporting our cause.  Due to political correctness, many people believe it is just too risky to say anything negative about Israel.    FYI:  The USS Liberty is the most decorated US Navy ship in the history of the Navy for a single action.

THE ISSUE -- The Israelis and the US Government do not want the truth to be told.  It is obvious that they fear that America may be less of a supportive ally if the truth were known.  The truth of their deeds and the Johnson Administration require an objective and complete investigation.  Congress has never officially investigated the attack and so the attack continues to be a cover-up of the worst magnitude.  The House has a constitutional mandate to “define and punish Pirates and Felonies committed on the high seas and offenses against the Law of Nations (Article 1, section 8)”.  Regarding the Arab/Israeli ’67 War, we believe the operational plan was Operation Cyanide.  We have discovered that the USS Liberty was part of this plan.  This document should be declassified immediately and released to the American public for analytical historic purposes.  The complicity of the Israelis and the Johnson Administration in starting the Six Day War alarmed the Soviet Union.  When the Soviets suspected that the U.S. was planning to enter the war militarily, they challenged President Johnson with a military confrontation and President Johnson wisely backed down from any further military activities leaving Israel to fend for themselves.  On June 8, 1967, the USS Liberty was now a perceived threat to Israel’s war agenda and they were not entertaining peace until the Golan Heights were taken a few days later.  It is obvious that an American/Soviet confrontation did not matter to them -- just so long as the Soviets stayed out of their way.

SYNOPSIS OF OUR STORY -- On June 8, 1967, the Israeli Defense Forces murdered 34 Americans on the high seas (31 sailors, 2 marines, and a NSA civilian).  Out of a total compliment of 294 men, 70% of the crew became casualties as 174 were wounded in addition to the 34 killed.  Israel’s use of a torpedo attack was the willful attempted murder of 294 Americans on the high seas.

For 6 hours the morning of the attack, the ship was subjected to intense scrutiny by Israeli photo-reconnaissance aircraft, 12 over flights, flying as low as 200 feet.  The USS Liberty had traditional American markings on her bow (GTR-5) and stern (USS LIBERTY) and flying a large American Flag standing out in the breeze.  She was sailing in international waters off the Egyptian coast on a clear and sunny day.  The ship was a WWII victory hull cargo ship, lightly armed with four 50 caliber machine guns for repel boarder purposes.  Her military mission was to monitor, intercept, and record all radio transmissions in the ambient ether.  The attack occurred in three coordinated phases (Israeli Air Force, Navy, and Marines)

(Phase 1) Following aircraft observations, the Israelis began the attack with 3 fighter jets which strafed, rocketed, and bombed the Liberty.  (Phase 2) This was followed with 3 torpedo boats that fired 40mm canons and torpedoes.  Since the Liberty was a virtually unarmed vessel and not a military threat, at no time did the torpedo boats request the Liberty surrender as did the North Koreans regarding the USS Pueblo in 1968.  The Israeli choice that day was live target practice as the USS Liberty could not fight back.  The motor torpedo boats leisurely circled the ship shooting at anything that moved and whatever target suited their whim.  It defies logic as to why they expended so many munitions on a defenseless ship unless they were trying to send the United States a message.  When they were finished, the Liberty was riddled with 821 holes, sustained 2 napalm bombs, and a torpedo blowing a 24 by 39 foot hole in her starboard side.  Miraculously, the Liberty refused to sink and was able to get underway under her own power.  It was obvious to the Liberty crew that survivors were not to be taken as the Israelis were observed machine gunning life rafts and fire fighters.  

At the beginning of the attack, the Liberty Radiomen and Electronic Technicians attempted to send a May Day.  Responding to our SOS about 15 minutes into the Israeli attack, the USS Saratoga launched conventionally armed fighter aircraft to assist the USS Liberty.  Our SOS did not identify the attacker at the time as the identity of the attacker was unknown.  Within minutes after the launch, the White House recalled all aircraft abandoning the USS Liberty subjecting her to an additional 1 hour of an Israeli turkey shoot.  In disbelief, RADM Raymond Geis, Sixth Fleet Carrier Division Commander, challenged the order (as was his right and responsibility in this situation).  Unbelievably, the White House again reaffirmed the order to recall all aircraft despite her plea for help.  Without an investigation, it cannot be determined if Sixth fleet aircraft would have prevented the Israeli torpedo boat attack and ended all hostility thus preventing the torpedo attack murdering 25 of the 34 crew.

(Phase 3) When hostilities ceased, helicopters were observed overhead with Israeli commandos at the ready to finish us off.  Fortuitously, the Israelis intercepted an invalid message that U.S. help was on the way (the Israelis had no way of knowing that the aircraft were recalled).  Israel was reluctantly forced to terminate its ongoing attack.  Ironically help did not arrive until 18 hours after the attack when the Liberty was only 15 air minutes away from USS Saratoga and USS America fighter jets.  In addition to the loss of American lives, Israelis destroyed one of the most advanced intelligence ships.  

Proof that Israel positively knew that she was attacking an American ship:  Three Air Force intelligence personnel at different locations and unaware of each others responsibilities (Ronald Gotcher, Steve Forslund, and Richard Block), observed real time U.S. Air Force Security Group aircraft translations (Hebrew to English) of intercept discussions between the attacking Israel fighter pilots and their ground controllers.  The ground control station asked the pilots to confirm the target was American and they replied “yes”.  Ground control then ordered the aircraft to attack and sink the target and ensure no survivors.

In conjunction with the above, another confirmation that the attack was deliberate comes from the Israeli State Archives (Ha’aretz, Israel’s leading newspaper).  That is, U.S. Ambassador (Amb.) to the UN, Arthur Goldberg revealed to Israeli Amb. Abraham Harman that the Americans managed to record the Israeli pilots during the attack and the recordings proved they knew their target was an American vessel.  Goldberg told Harman there was only one way out of the crisis:  Israel had to put someone on trial which never happened.

The subsequent US Naval Court of inquiry was a sham.  It sorely lacked naval judicial standards (as cited by Rear Admiral Merlin Staring, former Judge Advocate General of the Navy) and was deliberately falsified to compliment the Israeli story (as observed by retired Navy Lawyer, Captain Ward Boston in a sworn affidavit).  Details acquired were either changed or dropped so that the Israeli version indicated that the attack was a tragic mistake.  The orders to falsify came directly from President Johnson.   This is obstruction of justice at the highest levels.  The rights of 291 military personnel were violated.

The survivors of the USS Liberty were told never to talk about the incident under penalty of fine and/or imprisonment.  Military orders that followed were in line with the White House which was not to indicate on any documents, monuments, and the like that Israel was the attacker.  As an example, the USS Liberty skipper, Captain William McGonagle was awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor for his actions to keep the ship afloat and operational, saving countless lives.  His award was given to him not by President Johnson at the White House which was the custom.  The Captain’s medal was presented to him by the Secretary of the Navy at a low level Washington Navy Yard ceremony and his citation lacked any mention of an Israeli attack.

Note:  Everything written heretofore and the remaining details are accurate and can be proven by corroborated individual witness testimony, logical deduction, and documentation.  

CONCLUSION -- What a crime it would be for historical reasons if the US Government continues to lie about details of the Six Day War.  In the end, truth always wins out.  What a shame for elected officials who will not stand up to be counted.  For the sake of our fallen 34 shipmates, we will not give up. They deserve justice!  On June 8, 2005, the LVA filed a War Crimes Report against Israel in compliance with a Department of Defense Directive.  The Pentagon has indicated that no investigation will take place.  The LVA only asks for a complete and honest investigation.    

The crew of the USS Liberty did everything possible not to give up our ship and fight the only way we could by maintaining our vital engineering propulsion machinery, water tight integrity, and most of all help keep our wounded alive.  With the decorations mentioned, we have been dishonored and chastised by the lies of Israel and our Government.  The United States Government does not understand that by joining the Israeli lie (that the attack was a case of mistaken identity), they:  make the LVA appear as Jewish bigots; frustrate our efforts to distance ourselves from Neo-Nazi organization that use us thereby aiding the bigot label; ignore the fact that since Israel used a torpedo, this was the attempted murder of 294 Americans; and, never pressed Israel for the perpetrators of the attack.  They:  do not realize the embarrassment to the crew as we are considered the “bad guys” for speaking up; put the Israeli relationship over and above the crew of the USS Liberty; and, dishonors the crew and our lost shipmates by making us a politically correct item of the day.   Time after time, the eye witnesses of the attack, the Liberty crew, are called conspiracy theorist.  Because the event involved Israel and compounded by a state lie, we are automatically labeled – a bunch of whiners.  I guess we are supposed to keep our mouths shut – after all, Israel is our ally.  I suppose if no one was killed or wounded, we could possibly do that.  However, the fact that 34 were murdered, 174 wounded, and they attempted to murder 294 Americans, we would be remiss as Americans if we did not speak out as our 34 shipmates would have died for nothing.   


WE NEED YOU

After reading this article, if your American spirit is challenged, please write to the President of the United States and your congressmen requesting an official investigation.  If enough citizens demand to know the truth, the pressure may be too great for our distracters to stop us.  Make no mistake, our society will be the winners when the complete truth of the attack on the USS Liberty and the Six Day War (June 67) are fully understood.  The US Government can then stop living this lie and history can then be recorded accurately.  Your Tax deductible contributions are also gladly accepted.  Please help!  Become an Associate member of the USS Liberty Veteran Association for $20.00 and receive our periodic newsletter.   Since we are 501c3 tax exempt, all desperately  needed donations are tax deductible.

God bless America and may God give our officials the grace and courage to do the right thing and initiate a proper and honest investigation.    

Ernest A. Gallo Former CTM-2, USS Liberty Survivor, President, USS Liberty Veterans Association, ernie7900@aol.com


REFERENCES

Books:  Liberty Injustices – A Survivor’s Account of American  Bigotry: author, Ernest A. Gallo

            Beyond Treason – author Robert J. Allen, JD

             Enemies Within – author Clint Burnette

Blood in the Water – author Joan Mellen

             Remember the Liberty, author Phillip Nelson

              Eagles Are Gathering, author, Merlin Miller

              Erasing the Liberty , author, Phil Tourney

Assault on The Liberty; author, James Ennes, Jr.

              Guilt By Association, author, Jeff Gates

              The Attack on the Liberty, author, James Scott

              Body of Secrets; author, James Bamford

Films:  Sacrificing Liberty

Justice for the Liberty

Dead in the Water; BBC Films

Web Sites: www/usslibertydcoumentcenter.org

 www.usslibertyveterans.org

List:  Over 30 prominent US Officials, Admirals, and authors who believe the attack was deliberate.  Among them are: Admiral Thomas Moorer (former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff), Richard Helms (former CIA Director), and Dean Rusk (former Secretary of State).  A complete list provided upon request.  Other documents can also be provided upon request.  Email “ernie7900@aol.com”.  


You can also contact us at the following address

USS Liberty Veterans Association

PO Box 680275

Marietta, GA 30068

770-363-3986

          


Captain William McGonagle, USN (ret.)

Medal of Honor Recipient


The Moorer Commission for the USS Liberty (October 22, 2003)

  The Moorer Commission


Findings of the Independent Commission of Inquiry into the Israeli Attack on USS Liberty, the Recall of Military Rescue Support Aircraft while the Ship was Under Attack, and the Subsequent Cover-up by the United States Government


October 22, 2003

Admiral Thomas H. Moorer, U.S. Navy (deceased) Former Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff

General Raymond G. Davis, U.S. Marine Corps (deceased) (MOH)*, Former Assistant Commandant of the Marine Corps


Rear Admiral Merlin Staring, U.S. Navy (deceased)

Former Judge Advocate of the Navy (73-75)


Ambassador James Akins (deceased)

Former U.S. Ambassador to Saudi Arabia (73-76)


 


We, the undersigned having undertaken an independent investigation of Israel’s attack on USS Liberty , including eyewitness testimony from surviving crew members, a review of naval and other official records, an examination of official statements by the Israeli and American governments, a study of the conclusions of all previous official inquiries, and a consideration of important new evidence and recent statements from individuals having direct knowledge of the attack or the cover up, hereby find the following:**


1.       That on June 8, 1967, after eight hours of aerial surveillance, Israel launched a two-hour air and naval attack against USS Liberty, the world’s most sophisticated intelligence ship, inflicting 34 dead, and 173 wounded American servicemen (a casualty rate of 70%, in a crew of 294).; 


2.       That the Israeli air attack lasted approximately 25 minutes, during which time unmarked Israeli aircraft dropped napalm canisters on USS Liberty’s bridge, and fired 30mm cannons and rockets into our ship, causing 821 holes, more than 100 of which were rocket-size; survivors estimate 30 or more sorties were flown over the ship by minimum of 12 attacking Israeli planes which were jamming all 5 American emergency radio channels;


3.        That the torpedo boat attack involved not only firing of torpedoes, but the machine-gunning of Liberty’s firefighters and stretcher-bearers as they struggled to save their ship and crew, the Israeli torpedo boats later returned to machine-gun at close range 3 of the Liberty’s life rafts that had been lowered into the water by survivors to rescue the most seriously wounded;


4.       That there is compelling evidence that Israel’s attack, was a deliberate attempt to destroy an American ship and kill her entire crew; evidence of such intent is supported by statements from Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Undersecretary of State George Ball, former CIA director Richard Helms, former NSA directors Lieutenant General William Odom, USA (Ret.), Admiral Bobby Ray Inman, USN (Ret.), and Marshall Carter; former NSA deputy directors Oliver Kirby and Major General John Morrison, USAF (Ret.), and former Ambassador Dwight Porter, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon in 1967;


5.       That in attacking USS Liberty, Israel committed acts of murder against American servicemen and an act of war against the U.S.;


6.       That fearing conflict with Israel, the White House deliberately prevented the U.S. Navy from coming to the defense of USS Liberty by recalling Sixth Fleet military rescue support while the ship was under attack; evidence of the recall of rescue aircraft is supported by statements of Captain Joe Tully, Commanding Officer of the aircraft carrier USS Saratoga, and Rear Admiral Lawrence Geis, the Sixth Fleet carrier division commander, at the time of the attack; never before in American naval history has a rescue mission been canceled when an American ship was under attack;


7.       That although Liberty was saved from almost certain destruction through the heroic efforts of the ship’s Captain, William L. McGonagle (deceased) (MOH), and his brave crew, surviving crew members were later threatened with “court-martial, imprisonment or worse,” if they exposed the truth, and were abandoned by their own government;


8.       That due to the influence of Israel’s powerful supporters in the U.S., the White House deliberately covered up the facts of this attack from the American people;


9.       That due to continuing pressure by the pro-Israel lobby in the U.S., this attack remains the only serious naval incident that has never been thoroughly investigated by Congress; to this day, no surviving crewmember has been permitted to officially testify about the attack;


10.     That there has been an official cover-up without precedent in American naval history; the existence of such a cover-up is now supported by statements of Rear Admiral Merlin Staring, USN, (deceased), former Judge Advocate General of the Navy; and, Captain Ward Boston, USN (deceased), the chief counsel to the Navy’s 1967 Court of Inquiry of Liberty attack;


11.    That the truth about Israel’s attack and subsequent White House cover-up continues to be officially concealed from the American people to the present day and a national disgrace;


12.    That a danger to our national security exists whenever our elected officials are willing to subordinate American interests to those of any foreign nation, and specifically are unwilling to challenge Israel’s interests when they conflict with American interests; this policy, evidenced by the failure to defend USS Liberty and the subsequent official cover-up of the Israeli attack, endangers the safety of Americans and the security of the U.S.

WHEREUPON, we the undersigned, in order to fulfill our duty to the brave crew of the USS Liberty and to all Americans who are asked to serve in our Armed Forces, hereby call upon the Department of the Navy, the Congress of the U.S. and the American people to immediately take the following actions:

FIRST:  That a new Court of Inquiry be convened by the Department of the Navy, operating with Congressional oversight, to take public testimony from surviving crew members; and to thoroughly investigate the circumstances of the attack on the USS Liberty, with full cooperation from the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency and the military intelligence services, and to determine Israel’s possible motive in launching said attack on the U.S. naval vessel;

SECOND:  That every appropriate committee of the Congress of the U.S. investigate the actions of the White House and Defense Department that prevented the rescue of the USS Liberty, thereafter threatened he surviving officers and men if they exposed the truth, and covered up the true circumstances of the attack from the American people; and

THIRD:  That the eight day of June of every year be proclaimed to be hereafter known as USS LIBERTY REMEMBERANCE DAY, in order to commemorate USS Liberty heroic crew; and to educate the American people of the danger to our national security inherent in any passionate attachment of our elected officials for any foreign nation.


*IN MEMORIAM:  General of Marines Raymond G. Davis, one of America’s most decorated military heroes (including the Congressional Medal of Honor), Vice Chairman of this panel and one of the principal members of this Independent Commission of Inquiry, passed away in Conyers, Georgia, on September 3, 2003.


**[1] Captain Ward Boston, USN, JAGC, Ret., the chief Navy attorney for the 1967 U.S. Navy Court of Inquiry into the Israeli attack, has recently come forward to repudiate the Court’s conclusion that the attack was “a case of mistaken identity”.  Captain Boston has revealed that all available evidence, in fact, pointed in exactly the opposite direction – that it was a deliberate attack on a clearly identified American ship.  In his affidavit dated October 9, 2003, Captain Boston states, “Admiral Kidd and I believed with certainty that this attack, which killed 34 American sailors and injured 173 others, was a deliberate effort to sink an American ship and murder its entire crew.  I am certain that the Israeli pilots that undertook the attack, as well as their superiors who had ordered the attack, were aware that the ship was American.”  Captain Boston stated that has personal knowledge that Admiral Kidd found the attack to be “a case of mistaken identify” in 1967 only because he was under direct orders to do so by Defense Secretary McNamara and President Johnson.


[2] Lieutenant Commander David Lewis, USS Liberty’s chief intelligence officer (who was severely wounded in the attack) has reported a conversation with Admiral Lawrence R. Geis, the Sixth Fleet carrier division commander, who visited Lewis after he had been medically evacuated by helicopter to the aircraft carrier USS America.  According to Lewis, “He (Admiral Geis) said that he wanted somebody to know that we weren’t forgotten” attempts HAD been made to come to our assistance.  He said that he had launched a flight of aircraft to come to our assistance, and he had then called Washington, Secretary McNamara came on the line and ordered the recall of the aircraft, which he did.  Concurrently he said that since he suspected that they were afraid that there might have been nuclear weapons on hand, he reconfigured another flight of aircraft – strictly conventional weaponry and re-launched it.  After the second launch, he again called Washington to let them know what was going on.  Again, Secretary McNamara ordered the aircraft recalled.  Not understanding why, he requested confirmation of the order; and the next higher in command came on to confirm that “President Johnson….with the instructions that the aircraft were to be returned, that he would not have his allies embarrassed, he didn’t care who was killed or what was done to the ship “words” to that effect.  With that, Admiral Geis swore me to secrecy for his lifetime.  I had been silent up until I found out from Admiral Moorer that Admiral Geis had passed away” (transcript from NBC’s Liberty Story, aired on national television 1/27/92.  This statement by Commander Lewis has recently been corroborated by Tony Hart, a Navy Communication Technician stationed at the U.S. Navy Base in Morocco in June 1967.  Mr. Hart connected the telephone conversation between Secretary McNamara and Admiral Geis and stayed on the line to keep them connected.  Hart has been recorded as saying that he overheard Admiral Geis refusing McNamara’s order to recall the Sixth Fleet rescue aircraft while the ship was under attack.  Mr. Hart reported that McNamara responded, “we are not going to war over a bunch of dead sailor”. 


[3] New evidence of intercepted radio communications between attacking Israeli pilots and the Israeli War Room, recorded by a U.S. Navy EC-121 spy plane, in which the Israeli pilots report seeing Liberty’s American flag flying, has been collected by investigative author James Bamford – for 9 years the Washington Investigative Producer for ABC’s World News Tonight with Peter Jennings (and author of Body of Secrets, which includes a chapter entitled Blood about the attack on USS Liberty).  A similar radio message was intercepted by the EC-121 from the Israeli motor torpedo boats.  This corroborates statements by surviving crew members, by Ambassador Dwight Porter, and by senior National Security Agency officials concerning NSA intercepts of Israeli pilot communications identifying the ship as American.


 


Friday, September 10, 2021

Judy Morris' essay: "Israel's and LBJ's Order to Destroy the USS Liberty"

 Web link: http://judymorrisreport.blogspot.com/2013/01/the-most-incredible-story-never-told.html 


What was Lyndon Johnson's greatest crime? Was it murdering JFK? Was it prosecuting the Vietnam War and murdering and maiming millions of Vietnamese who were no threat to the USA? Honestly, that has to be it. Well, what about LBJ conspiring with Israel to sink the USS Liberty (June 8, 1967) and murder all 294 Americans on board so the USA could have a pretext, a casus belli, to bomb, attack and remove Nasser of Egypt, who had drifted into the Soviet camp over the previous 10 years?

I invite everyone to read Judy Morris' fine essay above. I also encourage everyone to buy and watch the amazing, newly released DVD www.sacrificingliberty.com . This DVD is blockbuster and it really highlights how it was so obvious that Israel's attack on the USS Liberty was completely intentional; and if Israel was intentionally attacking an American ship it HAD to have been ordered by the American president Lyndon Johnson.

Understanding the USS Liberty murders is key to understanding the lunacy and off-the-charts criminal psychopathy of Lyndon Baines Johnson, aka "Lucifer Before Jesus."

Sincerely,

Robert Morrow

Presidential Historian and Distinguished Fellow at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Institute for the Study of Presidential Crime

The World’s Foremost Authority on the JFK Assassination

The Top Historian in the World on Lyndon Johnson

Up and Coming Scholar on the USS Liberty Murders

The Greatest Presidential Historian in American History

Austin, TX     512-306-1510 


January 14 1969

I took part with Bill Moyers, Jack Valenti, Eric Goldman and Ted Sorensen (in Kansas City) in a National Education Television commentary. Afterward Bill and I went over to the Algonquin for a drink. We talked a bit about the problem of writing about Johnson. Bill said, as he has said to me before (and Dick Goodwin has said even more often), that one great trouble was that no one would believe it. He said that he could not see how one could write about Johnson the private monster and Johnson the public statesman and construct a credible narrative. "He is a sick man," Bill said. At one point he and Dick Goodwin became so concerned that they decided to read up on mental illness - Dick read up on paranoia and Bill on the manic-depressive cycle."

[Arthur Schlesinger, Journals 1952-2000, p. 306]

 

January 15 1971

Last night I spoke at the annual dinner of the Century. I sat next to Mac Bundy and we discussed, among other things, the Khrushchev memoirs. I remarked on the curious resemblance between Khrushchev's account of the life around Stalin - the domineering and obsessive dictator, the total boredom of the social occasions revolving around him, the horror when invited to attend and the even greater horror when not invited - and Albert Speer's account of the life around Hitler. Mac said, "When I read Khrushchev, I was reminded of something else in addition - my last days in the White House with LBJ."

[Arthur Schlesinger, Journals 1952-2000, p. 333]

 

McGeorge Bundy in 1971 compared the Lyndon Johnson of 1967 to Joseph Stalin and former top aide Bill Moyers said he was a “paranoid” in 1968 and a “sick man” in 1969. McGeorge Bundy’s last days in the Johnson White House were in June, 1967 when he come back in to manage the USA response to the Six Day War (a period when the USA almost had nuclear war with the USSR)


Tuesday, September 7, 2021

Please write your Congressman and ask him to tell President Biden to RELEASE THE JFK RECORDS next month!

 Here is my letter to my Congressman Michael McCaul in which I ask him to tell President Biden to release the CIA documents which are supposed to be released under the JFK Records Act.

Send your email to the people who do CASEWORK for your congressman.

In 2017 President Trump, at the urging of CIA director Mike Pompeo, disgracefully issued a presidential executive order to keep these CIA documents secret. I am in great fear that President Creepy Joe Biden will do the exact same thing. However, we should all lobby as hard as we can for Biden to release the CIA documents which is what the JFK Records Act calls for.

9/7/2021

The Honorable Michael McCaul,

          I am writing to ask you to write a letter to President Joe Biden to ask him to release the remaining files of that were supposed to be released in 2017 under the JFK Records Act. These documents would have been released in October 2017 but President Donald Trump signed an executive order postponing their release until October of 2021, in other words next month.

          Specifically, Congressman McCaul, I would like for you to ask President Joe Biden to release the withheld JFK Records Act files on CIA operatives James Angleton, Birch O’Neal, David Atlee Phillips, Ann Goodpasture, George Joannides and William King Harvey.

          Here is a 2017 article by Jefferson Morley entitled “5 of the most important JFK files the CIA is still hiding:” https://www.salon.com/2017/11/18/5-of-the-most-important-jfk-files-the-cia-is-still-hiding_partner/

          These documents will be very embarrassing to the CIA which is why they have fought so hard for decades to keep them secret. I do not believe for one second that 58 years after the JFK assassination the CIA has a legitimate national security interest in keeping secret the files of these deceased CIA operatives and employees.

          Nor do I think these documents are needed to prove who murdered John Kennedy because I already am 100% sure that Lyndon Johnson arranged the JFK assassination in league with certain CIA and military intelligence operatives and his super wealthy Texas business cronies.

          By law these withheld CIA documents were supposed to have been released years ago under the JFK records act and they will be released in October, 2021 unless President Joe Biden specifically signs an executive order keeping them secret yet again. I am fearful Joe Biden will do that unless you intervene and lobby him to release the CIA records that by law were supposed to be released under the JFK Records Act.

          Instead, please ask President Joe Biden to follow the JFK Records Act and release ALL the CIA documents that pertain to James Angleton, Birch O’Neal, David Atlee Phillips, Ann Goodpasture, George Joannides and William King Harvey.

          Btw, the odds of David Atlee Phillips being involved in the murder of JFK are about 99% and he pretty much confessed to his family, as he lay dying, that he was involved in the heinous crime that was committed in Dallas on November 22, 1963.

          This is crunch time, Cong. McCaul, and I need you help on this. Ever since the 1990s the JFK research community and the American people have been waiting so see these documents that were marked as relating to the JFK assassination.

Respectfully,

Robert Morrow

2901 Riva Ridge Road

Austin, TX 78746

My home land line is 512-306-1510 and my cell is 512-496-1293