Tuesday, March 30, 2021

Presidential Historian Robert Morrow's Open Letter to Sixth Floor Museum CEO Nicola Longford & Curator Stephen Fagin - Date: March 29, 2021

 March 29, 2021

Nicola Longford, Executive Director Sixth Floor Museum

Stephen Fagin, Curator, Sixth Floor Museum

Dear Nicola and Steve,

          You can read a 1,000 books on the JFK assassination and scour every web site on the internet, but you will never find an example where Lee Harvey Oswald had a cross word to say about President John Kennedy. In fact, there are many sources, including Marina Oswald Porter, Michael Paine and others who say that Lee Harvey Oswald was a huge fan of both JFK and Jackie Kennedy. Michael Paine said that Oswald said that JFK was the best president of his life time. Ruth Paine says that she never heard Oswald say a cross word about JFK. Lee Harvey Oswald would have been a good candidate to be the chapter president of the Dallas Fan Club for JFK and the Kennedys.

          Lee Harvey Oswald as a young teen was enthralled with the TV show “I Led Three Lives” which is about the story of FBI informer Herb Philbreck who was a man who PRETENDED to be a communist while in fact he was an FBI informer spying on communists. That is in his brother Robert Oswald’s book Lee: Portrait of Lee Harvey Oswald by His Brother, p. 47.

          Completely innocent CIA patsy Lee Harvey Oswald did not shoot at JFK. Nor did he shoot Officer Tippit, whose murder occurred at 1:06 PM on 11-22-63 and Oswald most definitely was not there (witness Helen Markham was adamant in all her testimony that the Tippit murder occurred at 1:06 PM because she knew her regular timeline to catch the 1:15PM bus to her waitressing job.

          Nor did Oswald shoot at Gen. Edwin Walker in April, 1963. That is another fabricated fantasy. I doubt either of you know that Gen. Edwin Walker contacted the HSCA in the 1970s and said that the bullet in evidence was definitely NOT the bullet that was found in the wall of his home (because the bullet in evidence was PLANTED to posthumously frame Oswald).

          Nor was Oswald wanting to shoot Richard Nixon. That ridiculous fake news story was put into the mouth of Marina Oswald in early 1964 by CIA asset Hugh Aynesworth. I asked Hugh Aynesworth did you hear that story from Marina or from someone else first: and Aynesworth let the cat out of the bag and told he heard it from someone else! It is a fabricated lie designed to slander Oswald. Hugh Aynesworth used to brag that he had sex with Marina Oswald and he told this to one of the early JFK researchers Shirley Martin. Hugh Aynesworth is an absolute snake and he has never come clean about his connections to CIA, FBI and Lyndon Johnson. When Aynesworth went to work for Newsweek in the 1960s, that magazine was filled with U.S. intelligence operatives in that era. I think Aynesworth truly believes the bunkum that he pushes, but he is an extremely compromised man who once applied to work for the CIA (as did Priscilla McMillan who was once very close to Marina Oswald and who the CIA once said, she will write anything we ask her to).

          Marina Oswald, under government control and most definitely under government surveillance told many lies about Oswald in 1963-1964 at a time when she had a baby Rachel and a young toddler June and her English was not that good, all the while the LBJ-CIA-FBI controlled national media was bellowing headlines that her victim husband had killed the president.

          Marina Oswald told Jesse Ventura in 2010, “Would you sacrifice your children for the truth?” Thus you can throw in the trashcan all those coerced lies that Marina was forced to tell about Lee Harvey Oswald in the 1960s. Marina’s interpreter in those days was ILYA MAMONTOV, who was a right wing anti-communist White Russian who Marina despised because he was twisting her words to slander Lee Harvey Oswald.

          Which means that utterly ridiculous story (from a coerced Marina) about Oswald wanting to hijack a plane to Cuba is 100% pure slanderous garbage as well. It never happened and it was all a part of the posthumous frame up of Lee Harvey Oswald who was murdered by the same forces who murdered JFK.

          My suggestion for you and the Sixth Floor Museum is please quit lying about, slandering and defaming the memory of Lee Harvey Oswald who was a good man and man who loved his wife and kids and who loved to play with kids (sources: Pat Hall and Buell Wesley Frazier, both knew Oswald. Both are alive in the year 2021).

          Unlike JFK-admirer Lee Harvey Oswald there were three men from November, 1963 who hated the guts of the Kennedys. Three men whose lives and careers were on the line in the fall of 1963 and their names were LYNDON JOHNSON, FBI chief J. EDGAR HOOVER and GEN. EDWARD LANSDALE.

          I know Steve knows this, but did you know this, Nicola: Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover were neighbors for 19 years from 1943-1961? LBJ and the wife he treated like mud under his Texas boots lived at 4921 30th Place NW, Washington, D.C. 20015 and his blood brother and fellow Kennedy-hater FBI chief J. Edgar Hoover lived at 4936 30th Place NW, Washington, D.C. 20015.

          If you Mapquest it or Google map it, LBJ and Hoover lived 171 feet apart for 19 years. 171 feet is about one-half a football field. Did you, Nicola, know that LBJ and Hoover used to walk their dogs together? That Hoover would often come over to LBJ’s house for brunch on Sundays and read the newspapers? That Hoover used to brag that he helped to raise the Johnson girls? That when the Johnsons would lose a dog, they consider calling the FBI to go find it? That LBJ for decades would use the FBI under Hoover to investigate/harass his political opponents?

          On January 1, 1965 J. Edgar Hoover was going to turn 70 years old and hit the mandatory retirement age for the government of that era. The Kennedys were going to let the law retire this megalomaniac closet homosexual and serial blackmailer and they would be done with him. In spring 1964 and post JFK assassination, Lyndon Johnson held a press conference and gave Hoover a lifetime exemption from retirement!

          As for GEN. EDWARD LANSDALE – I will not say much about him except to say he was a notorious and well-connected CIA operative active in the Philippines, Vietnam and he ran Operation Mongoose (to harass Cuba) under the direction of a very irritating and demanding hard ass Robert Kennedy. Gen. Edward Lansdale, with a reputation for being a loose cannon, was kicked out of the Kennedy Administration and forced to retire on October 31, 1963. The next day on Nov. 1, 1963 Landale’s pal Diem of Vietnam was overthrown in a JFK and CIA supported coup in Vietnam. The next day Nov. 2, 1963, Diem and his brother were murdered. Let’s just say that in November of 1963 Gen. Edward Lansdale, who had a track record of torturing and killing people for the U.S. government and who vehemently opposed the Vietnamese coup, did not have warm and fuzzy feelings about the Kennedys.

          Gen. Edward Lansdale was identified in photos by his peers Col. Fletcher Prouty and Gen. Victor Krulak as being present 5 feet west of the Texas School Book Depository building at a time of 2:30 PM on 11-22-63. This was exactly two hours after the JFK assassination which occurred at 12:30 PM. The reason we know it was 2:30 PM is because of the angle of the shadows in the Lansdale photo and because that is when the “three tramps” were marched into police custody.

Six weeks after Lansdale was forced to retire on 10-31-63, by mid- December, 1963, he had a job in the Executive Office Building on White House Grounds under the new Lyndon Johnson Administration. I should note that the Executive Office Building is where LBJ kept his Vice Presidential office. Let’s not forget that Gen. Edward Lansdale’s chief congressional sponsor was Sen. Thomas Dodds, a right-wing CIA Democrat from Connecticut who was close friends with LBJ and who absolutely hated the guts of the Kennedys. LBJ toyed with the idea of making Sen. Thomas Dodds his VP in 1964. Lansdale was also a protégé of Allen Dulles, who was quite resentful at having been FIRED by the Kennedys after he had built the CIA. As Dulles spitefully told journalist Willie Morris before he died, “That little Kennedy… he thought he was a God.” Allen Dulles was placed by LBJ to run the cover up of JFK’s murder on the Warren Commission and Dulles was the most active member.

          Now we get to LYNDON JOHNSON. Unlike patriotic government operative Lee Harvey Oswald who loved the Kennedys so much he could have been president of the Dallas JFK fan club, Lyndon Johnson felt differently.

          If I could summarize how LYNDON JOHNSON felt about the Kennedys, it would be that he would like to take a piss on both their corpses.

          Robert Caro describes the LBJ-RFK relationship post 1960 Democratic convention, where RFK had moved heaven and earth attempting to keep LBJ off the 1960 Democratic ticket. Caro:

QUOTE

John Connally, who during long days of conversation with this author was willing to answer almost any question put to him, no matter how delicate the topic, wouldn't answer when asked what Johnson said about Robert Kennedy. When the author pressed him, he finally said flatly: "I am not going to tell you what he said about him." During the months after the convention, when Johnson was closeted alone back in Texas with an old ally he would sometimes be asked about Robert Kennedy.

He would reply with a gesture. Raising his big right hand, he would draw the side of it across the neck in a slowing, slitting movement. Sometimes that gesture would be his only reply; sometimes, as during a meeting with Ed Clark in Austin, he would say, as his hand moved across his neck, "I'll cut his throat if it's the last thing I do."

UNQUOTE

 [Robert Caro, The Passage of Power, p. 140]

       By the fall of 1963, the Kennedys had a two-track plan to get rid of Lyndon Johnson. 1) The Kennedys were going to use coordinated national media exposes into LBJ’s epic corruption as a way of forcing LBJ off of the national Democratic ticket for 1964. By November, 1963 these efforts were in high gear with LIFE magazine, Newsweek and the nation’s #1 political journalist Drew Pearson and other media outlets all ready to go with Kennedy-fed exposes into LBJ’s corruption. 2) The Kennedys were also encouraging a Senate Rules Committee investigation into LBJ’s corruption. See Seymour Hersh’s interview with Burkett van Kirk in The Dark Side of Camelot. The Kennedys were working with the Republicans on the Senate Rules Committee to take down LBJ because the Democratic senators were too close to Johnson.

          Why did the Kennedys choose to utterly destroy Lyndon Johnson rather than have a private conversation with him and ask him to step down for the 1964 campaign? Because relations between LBJ and the Kennedys were too acidic. They were not friends; it was state of war. LBJ had forced his way onto the 1960 Democratic ticket and the Kennedys did not think he would peacefully remove himself from the 1964 ticket. Robert Kennedy wanted to succeed his brother JFK as president in 1968 if the winds good fortune were blowing. Jackie Kennedy in her oral history said there was a plan in the works by the Kennedys to keep LBJ from being president in 1968. This plan was to slit LBJ’s throat with media exposes and congressional investigations in the fall of 1963.

          The game plan was not merely to remove LBJ from the 1964 Democratic ticket, but to utterly annihilate/destroy/humiliate Lyndon Johnson once and for all. If you read Robert Caro on LBJ, one of the themes over those 3,000 pages is Lyndon Johnson’s life-long fear of embarrassment, humiliation and exposure. By November, 1963, the Kennedys were within mere days of dropping a hydrogen bomb of humiliation on the head of Lyndon Johnson. The thing that a pure psychopath like Lyndon Johnson or Donald Trump fears above all else is humiliation; humiliation and the exposure of their crimes and true nature.

          Bottom line: The Sixth Floor Museum should stop it’s constant and never-ending slandering and defaming of completely innocent JFK fan and CIA patsy Lee Harvey Oswald and start telling the story of Lyndon Johnson’s orchestration of the murder of President John Kennedy and why it happened.

Sincerely,

 

Robert Morrow

Presidential Historian at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Institute for the Study of Presidential Crime

Austin, TX  512-306-1510 

Horace Busby: Lyndon Johnson was aware by Nov. 4, 1963 while he was out of the country in Luxembourg that the Kennedys had sent a SWAT team of FORTY national reporters to Texas to utterly destroy him

 QUOTE

           A mirthless smile played across the vice president’s lips, and he seem almost apologetic. “You may not believe what’s happening, but you may as well know.” Then he began relating what he had been learning from Walter Jenkins.

          On Monday, as the vice president arrived in Luxembourg, teams of newsmen from major national publications began arriving almost simultaneously in Austin and Johnson City, as well as the major metropolitan centers of Texas. None of the reporters were known figures of the Washington press corps, but upward of forty correspondents thus far had been identified in different parts of the state. At first, when the newsmen began making their presence known, it was assumed that they were arriving to do advance stories on President Kennedy’s visit. One of the senior figures, however, quickly revealed the true purpose. Talking with an attorney whom he mistakenly believed to be a Johnson enemy, the newsman said: “We’re here to do a job on Lyndon Johnson. When we get through with the sonofabitch, Kennedy won’t be able to touch him with a ten-foot pole in 1964.”

          It appeared to be a dragnet operation. The investigative teams were spreading out over the state, talking with attorneys, bankers, businessmen, and known political enemies of the vice president. Four or five publications were represented, but many questions from the different teams were almost identical. Evidently, someone had compiled and distributed a master dossier on the vice president’s twenty-six-year career in rough-and-tumble Texas politics; some questions, for example, involved campaign charges dating back to before World War II. “Whoever’s behind it,” the vice president conceded, “has done one hell of a thorough job.”

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 129-130]

 Longtime LBJ aide, speechwriter and friend Horace Busby, describes how Lyndon Johnson had seen up close and personal previous vice presidents removed from the party ticket and vice presidency.

 QUOTE

           This was an old and popular game of power in Washington. “Dumping the vice president” began with Hannibal Hamlin, Abraham Lincoln’s first vice president, who was removed from the Republican ticket in 1864 largely because of President Lincoln’s own petulance and jealousy. Most vice presidents since had experienced the threat. During his own career in Washington, Lyndon Johnson had seen FDR’s first two vice president’s, John Nance Garner and Henry A. Wallace, “dumped” at Democratic conventions, and he had empathized with Vice President Richard M. Nixon in 1956, when a White House cabal had almost succeeded in persuading President Dwight Eisenhower to select a new running mate for the second term.

          In those cases, the patterns were strikingly similar. Attacks against the incumbents came from within the “palace guard” at the White House or from among the power brokers in control of the party; in each instance, the objective was to control the line of succession – to dictate who would take over the party and perhaps the White House upon completion of the incumbent president’s term. The stakes had never been the vice presidency – that was virtually an irrelevancy – but, rather, the presidency itself.

          When the vice president paused in his monologue, I asked the obvious question. The simultaneous arrival of the various teams of newsmen, the similarity of their dossiers and of our questions, the commonality of their revealed purposes – these things were not coincidence. “Who,” I asked “is orchestrating this?”

          Lyndon Johnson made a face. He tucked his chin down, frowned and shook his head reprovingly, as though dealing with a youngster. “Buzz,” he said, pretending to be surprised, “you’ve been around too long to have to ask a question like that.”

          Of course I was not asking from ignorance or innocence. At any level of politics, one always knows the adversaries; at the level of the vice presidency, involved as that office is with the intrigues of the reigning court, sensitivity rises far higher. But my question was purposeful. For three years, since the election in November, 1960, Lyndon Johnson had sealed his lips; even in the most private and confidential conversation, he would not permit himself to acknowledge that he had critics, detractors, or adversaries anywhere within the new administration. The principle might be commendable. “Nothing and nobody,” he explained, “is ever going to divide the president and me, and I’m not going to say anything to anybody, not even my wife, that might get back to the president and cause him a moment’s concern.” The discipline was exacting and inflexible, but it irritated some of us close to the vice president: he carried it, we thought, to the point of unreality. I wanted to draw him out.

          “You mean –” I began, but he did not permit me to finish my question.

          “I don’t mean anybody,” he snapped. “You can guess the answer, dammit, but I’m not about to start naming names.”

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 131-132]

 

Longtime LBJ aide and friend Horace Busby describes Lyndon Johnson, on Friday, Nov. 8 in Brussels, Belgian being extremely concerned about the nature of his potential “exit line” from the Kennedy Administration

 QUOTE

           As we passed the darkness of an ancient cathedral, he stopped abruptly, pushed his hat far back on his head, and turned toward me.

          “Buzz,” he said, “I’ve had a good run of it. I’ve done a lot more and come a lot farther than anybody who came from where I come ever had any right to expect.” Agent Kivett had approached closely, checking whether some assistance might be needed. The vice president turned and glowered until he moved on out of earshot, then Lyndon Johnson leaned in very close, until his face almost touched mine, and his clenched fists began pumping up and down.

          “If they want me to go, all they have to do is say so and I’ll be gone in five minutes.” His voice fell to a hoarse and confidential whisper. “I don’t care about that, it’s their business. What I do care about, my friend, is one thing.” He stopped and stood erect, turning to look in all directions. The street and the sidewalk were empty except for the two of us and Jerry Kivett, now half a block away. The vice president leaned in close again. Lips set tight, he spoke firmly. “I care about the exit line.”

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 134-135]

 Longtime LBJ aide Horace Busby on the torrent of rumors and inquiries from reporters in mid November,1963 that JFK was going to drop Lyndon Johnson from the 1964 ticket

 QUOTE

           In Washington, where I had remained, rumors ran amuck. Each day newsmen were calling George Reedy or Walter Jenkins or myself to check out the stories – always on “good authority” – that President Kennedy’s purpose in planning to spend the night at the LBJ Ranch was to break the news that Lyndon Johnson would not be on the ticket in 1964. When we traced these stories back to their sources, the origins lay not at the White House or among Kennedy intimates but among Texans in Washington friendly to Senator Yarborough. Repetition, nonetheless, had its effect, intensifying tensions, magnifying worries, expanding out imagination of what might go wrong on the Texas journey.”

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 139]

 

Longtime LBJ aide and speechwriter Horace Busby describes how he, his wife and the “Johnson men” were opposed to a motorcade for JFK in Dallas because of the vitriolic right wing atmosphere

 QUOTE

 Mary V. handed me the front page of a recent issue. “Read this,” she said. “Someone has lost their mind.” It was a story announcing that, on his visit to Dallas, President Kennedy would ride in an open-car motorcade from Love Field to the site of his luncheon address.

          “I can’t imagine your friends in the Secret Service letting the president do that,” she said. I agreed with her. The thought of physical danger to the president did not occur. Our memories were still fresh, though, of 1960, when the vice president and Mrs. Johnson were mobbed in a Dallas hotel lobby. An ugliness had crept into Dallas politics which perplexed many Texans. Only a few weeks earlier there had been a nasty attack on Ambassador Adlai Stevenson when he spoke there. An open-car motorcade was an obvious invitation for more episodes – ugly signs, jeering chants, or perhaps an egg tossed at the presidential limousine.

          The next day I voiced my concern to Walter Jenkins and learned that he shared it. In fact, he told me, Governor Connally, Cliff Carter and all the Johnson men participating in plans for the Kennedy visit were counseling against the Dallas motorcade. But our interests and the interests of the Kennedy people were hopelessly at odds. We were thinking, selfishly perhaps, of avoiding street incidents which would acutely embarrass Vice President Johnson.

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 140]

 

QUOTE

           On Friday, all those concerns would come together – the president’s ride through Dallas, the ticket sales for the fund-raising dinner at Austin, the climax at the LBJ Ranch after the politicking was done. November 22 was a day we all faced with dread.

          On Thursday, November 21, I lunched with Leonard Marks at a club frequented by Washington’s television and radio reporters. Since my conversation with the vice president in Brussels, I had come to a gloomy but inescapable conclusion that Lyndon Johnson’s days in that office were numbered; if the end did not come the following day in Texas, ugly times were clearly ahead for us all in Washington. I did not want to be around; the toll of peripheral involvement in palace politics was too great.

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 141]

 

Longtime LBJ aide and friend Horace Busby and his secretary Patty Scott were on pins and needles in Washington, DC as they worried over JFK’s reception in Dallas in real time on Nov. 22, 1963

 QUOTE

 

… with my secretary, Patty Scott, I remained at the office, buckling down to meet the early evening deadline for my copy. Patty had recently come to Washington from Dallas; she shared my concern over President Kennedy’s reception in the city. As the time neared for the presidential party to arrive at Love Field, she began an almost continuous vigil over the Teletype machine. We kidded each other about our Texas paranoia, but Patty remained anxious. “You never know what those kooks are going to do,” she said.

          Then it came: the longest, the most unreal, the most terrible minute I had ever known.

 UNQUOTE

 [Horace Busby, The Thirty-First of March, pp. 142]

 

 

 

         

Monday, March 29, 2021

Some important web links to read about and understand Lyndon Johnson

 LBJ top aide Horace Busby: Lyndon Johnson was acutely aware by Nov. 4, 1963 that the Kennedys had sent a SWAT team of over **FORTY** national reporters to Texas to utterly destroy him https://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2020/07/lyndon-johnson-was-acutely-aware-by-nov.html

Robert Morrow essay on the murderous psychopathy of Lyndon Johnson  http://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2020/02/the-murderous-psychopathy-of-lyndon.html

The Scary Mental Instabilities of Lyndon Johnson http://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2020/09/the-scary-mental-instabilities-of.html

LBJ – even on election night 11-8-60, was extremely unhappy about being elected vice president under JFK https://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2021/03/lyndon-was-extremely-unhappy-about.html

LBJ canceled an Air Force plane for a top Boston brain surgeon for a dying RFK https://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2021/03/lbj-canceled-air-force-plane-for-top.html

George Reedy (1982) : Anxious LBJ was obsessed with the idea that RFK was out to destroy him w/ Bobby Baker scandal in fall 1963 http://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2020/09/the-scary-mental-instabilities-of.html

Sen. Herman Talmadge told Robert Caro in 2000 that Lyndon Johnson’s view of proper white and black relationship was “Master and servant.”

https://robertmorrowpoliticalresearchblog.blogspot.com/2021/03/sen-herman-talmadge-d-ga-to-robert-caro.html

FUN FACT: Lee Harvey Oswald considered JFK to be "the best president of his lifetime." Source: Michael Paine: https://www.pressdemocrat.com/news/8118362-181/michael-paine-debated-politics-with   

Lyndon Johnson and party: drunk, laughing, celebrating immediately after JFK's murder. Air Force Steward Doyle Whitehead: https://countryroadsmagazine.com/art-and-culture/history/doyle-whitehead/

 John Curington, the right hand man to HL Hunt, has written a book that implies LBJ/HL Hunt used Dallas mafia chief Joe Civello and Jack Ruby to murder Oswald https://www.amazon.com/H-L-Hunt-Opportunity-John-Curington/dp/1939306248/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1542998853&sr=8-1&keywords=john+curington

 The King family believes that Lyndon Johnson murdered MLK https://www.nytimes.com/1997/06/20/us/son-of-dr-king-asserts-lbj-role-in-plot.html

 Doris Kearns Goodwin tells if she has ever had sex with Lyndon Johnson https://www.facebook.com/robert.morrow.9883/posts/1268837393256091

Saturday, March 27, 2021

Sen. Herman Talmadge (D-GA) to Robert Caro on LBJ's view of proper white and black relationship: "Master and servant."

 

Robert Caro interview with former Sen. Herman Talmadge (D-GA) in year 2000 and Lyndon Johnson’s view of the proper white and black relationship: “Master and servant.”

QUOTE

          The senator was indeed very ill and in my notes on the conversation I wrote down many times “a long pause,” “long pause.” Talmadge said about Lyndon Johnson, “At first, for years, I liked him. He spent a long time cultivating me, hours and hours. We would talk about everything: hunting, girls, civil rights.” I asked him how did Johnson view the relationship between whites and Negroes. He said, “Master and servant.” So I asked, Well didn’t Johnson have any sympathy for blacks, any desire to improve their lot? My notes say “long pause.” And then I wrote his two-word reply: “None indicated.” Another pause, and then: “He was with us in his heart. I believed him. I believed him.”

UNQUOTE

[Robert Caro, Working: Researching, Interviewing, Writing, p. 170]

Thursday, March 25, 2021

LBJ canceled an Air Force plane for a top Boston brain surgeon for a dying RFK

Lyndon Johnson canceled an Air Force plane for top Boston brain surgeon for a dying RFK

[C. David Heymann,  RFK: A Candid Biography Of Robert F. Kennedy,  p. 505] 

      Ted Van Dyk: “In the middle of the night I was shaken awake by David Gartner, a personal aide to the vice president. And Dave said, ‘Humphrey says get up, Robert Kennedy's been shot.’ And I said, ‘David, that's a sick joke.’ He said, ‘No, no, Robert Kennedy's been shot.’

     “So I got up and Humphrey was absolutely distraught, he was just absolutely beside himself with anxiety and concern. And we then received a telephone  call from Steve Smith and Pierre Salinger in California. They said, ‘There's a brain surgeon we trust in Boston. Could you arrange for a private plane to fly him to Los Angeles? Because Robert Kennedy's still alive and there's a possibility of saving him.’

     Humphrey called up the commanding general of the air force, who happened to be there at the academy. And Humphrey said, ‘Will you please dispatch this plane?’ The general said, "I surely will."

     “Ten minutes later we received a call from an aide in the White House: President Johnson had canceled the plane because Humphrey had no authority to send it. The fact was, Johnson preferred Robert Kennedy dead.

     “It was one of the most heinous acts I've ever experienced in my life, and it all but broke Humphrey's heart.” [C. David Heymann,  RFK: A Candid Biography Of Robert F. Kennedy,  p. 505]

--Ted Van Dyk, Aide to then Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey
 

Bio: Ted Van Dyk has been active in national policy and politics for more than 30 years. He began active military duty in 1957 as a U.S. Army intelligence analyst. His subsequent jobs have included Soviet specialist and intelligence analyst at the Pentagon; senior assistant to Vice President Hubert Humphrey and coordinator of foreign assistance programs in the Carter Administration, to name just a few. He also served as a senior political and policy advisor to seven Democratic presidential candidates. Since early 2001, he has been an editorial-page columnist for the Seattle Post-Intelligencer and has continued writing periodically for national publications. 

http://www.washington.edu/alumni/clubs/communication/newsletter/200609/halloffame.html 

 

Pat Speer on LBJ nixing a plane for a brain surgeon for a dying RFK

June 7, 2014 post at Education Forum: http://educationforum.ipbhost.com/index.php?showtopic=21239#entry287534

 Although Heymann is a serial fibber, there may be some truth to this one. No less than Ramsey Clark has admitted that Johnson's buddy Hoover deliberately timed the release of info about James Earl Ray's arrest to interfere with TV coverage of RFK's funeral. If you've ever taken a peak at the FBI file of Robert Kennedy, moreover, you'll find that Hoover sent agents to a gathering in RFK's honor, not to honor Kennedy, but to report on who was there and whether they were crying, etc. In other words, he wanted to know who was loyal to Kennedy, and thus, who he should consider an "enemy." Johnson was of the same mind-set. It is still little-appreciated in academic circles, but Johnson was completely obsessed with the thought RFK was gonna get him, and find some way to blame him for the JFK assassination. Johnson made at least three phone calls to Fortas in which he claimed Bobby was behind Mark Lane, etc, and that they were all out to get him. 

Lyndon Johnson wanted to name the stadium for the Washington Redskins after HIMSELF but it was named RFK Stadium 

https://twitter.com/HowardMortman/status/1282800963905114120 

Jeff Sheshol on C-SPAN 1997: "Johnson wanted it named after himself. He thought it would appropriately be named LBJ Stadium. But a group of Kennedy aides in Interior Department under Stewart Udall...plot was crafted..."


Monday, March 22, 2021

Lyndon was extremely unhappy about being elected Vice President to JFK, even in real time on election night November 8, 1960

Dallas Times Herald reporter Margaret Meyer never saw a “more unhappy man” than Lyndon Johnson on the night that he was elected Vice President (11-8-60) with president-elect JFK. Lady Bird, however, was delighted that she was going to be Second Lady.

 

Source: Margaret Mayer who was a longtime reporter for the Dallas Times-Herald.

 

QUOTE

 

          Lady Bird was happy; she was going to enjoy being Second Lady, she thought, and she did. Besides, she was always glad when a campaign was over, victorious or not. Lyndon? Did he hoot and holler? Did he even smile except for the photographers? He did not. He was demonstrably morose.

          Margaret Mayer: “The night he was elected vice-president – very late, when it was quite apparent that he and Kennedy had been elected – I don’t think I saw a more unhappy man. He had been at the Driskill Hotel with the Homer Thornberrys, the Connallys, Jesse Kellam, and sometime after midnight, maybe one in the morning, they all came downstairs and went across the street to an all-night café on Seventh Street.

          “There was no jubilation. Lyndon looked like he had lost his last friend on earth, and later he was rude to me, very rude, and I tried to remind myself he was unhappy, but he did the same thing the next day in the TV station. He was rude to just about everybody. Now I’ve known Lyndon a great many years, and I’ve never known him to act like that.

          “It was clear to me and a lot of other people that even then he didn’t want to be vice-president.”

 

UNQUOTE

 

[Merle Miller, Lyndon: An Oral Biography, p. 273]

 

Picture of Dallas Times-Herald reporter Margaret Mayer here:

https://www.dallasnews.com/opinion/commentary/2013/10/25/jim-lehrer-news-changed-forever-on-nov-22-1963/


Lyndon Johnson would take extreme measures to stop any negative press coverage of himself

If you ever threatened to write an article that reflected poorly on LBJ, he would drop a 100 lb. anvil on your head

 

Web link: https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2014-01-22/pining-for-lbj-we-got-christie

Pining for Lyndon Johnson, Americans got Christie

By Ezra Klein, Bloomberg, Jan. 24, 2014

WASHINGTON – New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie’s recent scandals won’t impress anyone who has read Robert Caro’s biography of Lyndon Baines Johnson.

In the fourth volume of Caro’s biography, he tells the story of Margaret Mayer, a Dallas Times Herald reporter who was investigating the television station LBJ owned. Johnson had his aides call Mayer’s bosses and let slip that if Mayer kept investigating Johnson’s business, Johnson might sic the Federal Communications Commission on the Dallas Times Herald’s businesses — which included TV and radio stations. Mayer’s bosses got the message. Her investigation was quickly terminated.

That, however, was an example of LBJ’s lighter touch. According to another story Caro recounts, Johnson had long been irritated by the coverage of Bascom Timmons, the Fort Worth Star-Telegram’s chief Washington correspondent.

So he called the paper’s owner, Amon Carter Jr., and told him that it’d be a shame — just a shame — if the Fort Worth Army Depot ended up getting closed. Even worse, what if the Carswell Air Force Base were shuttered, too? Then there was the Trinity River Navigation Project, which would make the river navigable from its mouth in the Gulf of Mexico all the way to the Dallas-Fort Worth area. All these projects meant jobs, development and, ultimately, readers and advertisers for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram.

“You all ought to get the best damn fellow you can for the Star-Telegram,” LBJ instructed, “and I’d have a man there, when he speaks up, he doesn’t say ‘I’m Bascom Timmons.’ ” Carter did as he was told.

President Barack Obama so often seems powerless before an intransigent Congress that it’s become common to hear people yearn for an LBJ-like executive — one who knows how to get things done.

“LBJ-nostalgia is a reaction to Barack Obama’s presidency,” wrote the Economist. That nostalgia, however, is focused more on LBJ’s victories than on his methods. If the president tried to wield power in a similar fashion today, he would be driven from office.

Christie has been a beneficiary of LBJ nostalgia. He’s a tough Republican governor in a blue state facing a Democratic legislature. He yells at people who oppose him. He swaggers across the national stage. He gets things done — including big things, such as pension reform — which encourages people to believe that maybe, just maybe, he’s a political leader who could make Washington work again.

Christie has exulted in his reputation for ruthless efficiency. “I believe we have become paralyzed by our desire to be loved,” he told the 2012 Republican National Convention. The unstated corollary, of course, is that Christie, unlike Obama, knows how to be feared. And every student of Machiavelli knows that in politics, it’s better to be feared than loved.

There have long been rumors about how Christie goes about achieving that effect. A December New York Times article tallied examples of the governor’s penchant for retribution. Alleged targets included “a former governor who was stripped of police security at public events; a Rutgers professor who lost state financing for cherished programs; a state senator whose candidate for a judgeship suddenly stalled; another senator who was disinvited from an event with the governor in his own district.” As one reporter said, Christie’s reputation for payback has been useful “in scaring off others who might dare to cross him.”

Then came revelations about lane closures on the George Washington Bridge and, more recently, allegations that Christie aides threatened to withhold hurricane relief funds from Hoboken in order to pressure the city’s mayor to expedite a development project.

Christie’s reputation for inspiring fear has turned from an asset into a liability. It once impressed the news media. Now it points the way toward future scandals. The public, too, finds these tactics noxious — and Christie has so far stayed afloat by disavowing them.

The conflict between means and ends exposes a deep tension in American political life. The public admires bullying leaders who get things done while loathing the tactics that make their achievements possible.

“A lot of the things we’ve made Lyndon Johnson a hero for are the kinds of things that if we were watching them right now we’d say are highly corrupt,” said Julian Zelizer, a political scientist at Princeton University. “Lyndon Johnson makes what Chris Christie did look like child’s play.”

That tension is built into the structure of our government. Americans didn’t want a king, and they didn’t want an executive who would become a king, so they created a weak presidency with few formal tools to influence Congress. Many state executive offices are similarly constructed. But because the American public still expects the executive to lead effectively and aggressively, ambitious leaders resort to informal sources of power: the ability to investigate — or at least threaten to investigate — a radio license, or withholding funds from a wayward mayor. (Snarling their traffic appears to be a very Jersey twist.)

“Lyndon Johnson understood the powers of the president are limited, so he looked to other ways of influencing people,” said Zelizer. “That meant turning to these informal tools to lean on them, intimidate them, make them believe there would be retribution.”

Christie, it seems, did some of that, too. As long as the methods were hidden and only the results public, he was applauded for it. Now that the methods are being exposed, criticism is mounting.

None of this should surprise us. We like our elected leaders to be stronger than the formal powers we give them. So they are tempted to exert power through informal means that we don’t always approve of when they’re exposed. The alternative is a disappointed electorate — and more LBJ nostalgia.

Ezra Klein is a Bloomberg View columnist.


Saturday, March 20, 2021

Jackie Kennedy Tapes from Early 1964: JFK Feared an LBJ Presidency & did not want him as Vice President in 1960

 

Jackie Kennedy tapes: the Kennedys feared an LBJ presidency, had a plan to prevent this and wanted Sen. Stuart Symington to be Vice President in 1960 (and not LBJ)

Web link: 

https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/Jacqueline_Kennedy/jacqueline-kennedy-reveals-jfk-feared-lbj-presidency/story?id=14477930

Jacqueline Kennedy Reveals That JFK Feared an LBJ Presidency

Jacqueline Kennedy's oral history reveals husband's disdain for Lyndon Johnson.

Sept. 8, 2011— -- President John F. Kennedy was so "worried for the country" about the prospect that Vice President Lyndon Johnson might succeed him as president that he'd begun having private conversations about who should become the Democratic Party's standard-bearer in 1968, Jacqueline Kennedy recalled in a series of oral-history interviews recorded in early 1964.

She said her husband believed strongly that Johnson shouldn't become president and, in the months before his death in November 1963, he'd begun talking to his brother, Robert Kennedy, about ways to maneuver around Johnson in 1968.

"Bobby told me this later, and I know Jack said it to me sometimes. He said, 'Oh, God, can you ever imagine what would happen to the country if Lyndon was president?'" she said.

The president gave no serious consideration to dropping Johnson from the ticket in 1964, Jacqueline Kennedy recalled. But he did have some talks about how to avoid having Johnson run for president in 1968, at the end of what would have been Kennedy's second term, she said.

"He didn't like that idea that Lyndon would go on and be president because he was worried for the country," she said. "Bobby told me that he'd had some discussions with him. I forget exactly how they were planning or who they had in mind. It wasn't Bobby, but somebody. Do something to name someone else in '68."

Jacqueline Kennedy's recollections, in a series of interviews conducted by writer-historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. and kept private by the Kennedy family until this month, depict a distant and at times disturbing relationship between a president and the man who ultimately did succeed him in office upon his assassination.

The tapes are illuminating not just for the words but for how they're spoken, the distinctive, breathy voice – at times wistful, at times wickedly irreverent – revealing a new dimension of woman who carefully kept herself out of the public eye. With sounds of matches striking, ice cubes clinking, and even her children playing in the background, it's a rare snapshot into the life and private recollections of Jacqueline Kennedy.

They also detail under-the-surface tension that lingered between Jacqueline Kennedy and her husband's successor. That tension stood in sharp contrast to the famous image of a blood-spattered on her standing at Johnson's side as he took the oath of office aboard Air Force One, hours after President Kennedy was killed in Dallas.

ABC News' Diane Sawyer will host a prime-time, two-hour special based on the tapes Sept. 13, featuring exclusive audio of Jacqueline Kennedy's interviews. The transcripts are being released in book form this month in "Jacqueline Kennedy: Historic Conversations on Life with John F. Kennedy."

Johnson served more than six years as president, filling out Kennedy's term and then getting elected in his own right in 1964. While his White House years were largely defined by the escalation of the Vietnam War, he was able to pass landmark civil rights legislation that had been started and stalled under Kennedy. He also launched ambitious domestic projects, including the War on Poverty and "Great Society" legislation that created programs such as Medicaid, Medicare and Head Start.

Click Here to Travel Back in Time With the Kennedys Through ABC News' Interactive Timeline

Caroline Kennedy, the child of John and Jacqueline Kennedy, told Diane Sawyer that when it comes to her mother's thoughts on President Johnson, the tapes capture a complex moment in time.

"It's funny because she was really fond of Lyndon Johnson, and really loved Lady Bird, and always stayed in touch with her and they would visit," she said.

"The description of Lyndon Johnson here is more of his capabilities as a president, more negative than she certainly felt about him as a person," she continued. "I think she really appreciated the efforts that he made for her, when she was leaving the White House, and towards me and John -- and she found him really amusing and warmhearted. And I think that it's interesting because she's able to separate those human qualities from some of his shortcomings as president.

"I also think that there's stuff going on -- again, this is a moment in time -- between him and Uncle Bobby. That is probably coloring her opinion here."

But on the tapes, Jacqueline Kennedy describes a vice president who was far from the inner sanctum of power. She describes a lieutenant who resisted the president's efforts to solicit his input and involve him, even in areas that interested him.

"Jack would say you could never get an opinion out of Lyndon at any cabinet or national security meeting," she said. "Lyndon, as vice president, didn't just do anything. But it was all right. It was fine."

As vice president, Jacqueline Kennedy said, Johnson "was never disloyal," she said. But she added that he seemed interested in "the panoply that goes with power, but none of the responsibility."

When they were fellow senators in the late 1950s, Johnson's profanity and political trickery "sort of amused" Kennedy, Jacqueline Kennedy said. She said the future president "didn't particularly like him."

By Jacqueline Kennedy's telling, her husband never really wanted Johnson on his 1960 ticket in the first place. She said he really wanted to choose Missouri Sen. Stuart Symington, and even indicated that Symington was his choice to a mutual friend, Clark Clifford, on the day of his nomination at the Democratic National Convention.

In choosing among possible running mates in 1960, Kennedy and his close allies "liked Lyndon Johnson the least," Jacqueline Kennedy said. But Kennedy believed he needed to offer Johnson a spot on the ticket "to annul him as majority leader," she said, fearing that his "enormous ego" would have led Johnson to block Kennedy's agenda in the Senate as president if he felt slighted.

"Everyone was even amazed that he accepted," she said. "Some other people can tell you about it, going down into his room and everything -- and I guess he was drunk, wasn't he?"

Recorded in early 1964, Kennedy was seeking to shape her late husband's legacy at the same time that the new president was adjusting to the office in which he was suddenly thrust. She fretted that Johnson was currying favor with FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, whom her husband, she said, planned to oust after the 1964 election.

That decision was among several that have "all been done the wrong way" under President Johnson, Jacqueline Kennedy said.

She depicted the new president as struggling with the burdens of the office, saying "the poor man's terrified" and appeared "panic-struck."

In a prescient observation about Vietnam -- the comments came in June 1964, years before the Vietnam War descended into the quagmire that would sink the Johnson presidency -- she warned that the new president's leadership style left him ill-equipped to handle the deepening crisis in Southeast Asia.

"Jack always said the political thing there was more important than the military and nobody's thinking of that," she said. "And they don't call the people who were in it before. And so that's the way chaos starts."

Apparently realizing how her tone sounded, she added, "people will think I'm bitter, but I'm not so bitter now. But I just wanted it to be in context the kind of president Jack was and the kind Lyndon is."

"When something really crisis happens, that's when they're going to miss Jack. And I just want them to know it's because they don't have that kind of president and not because it was inevitable."

Jacqueline Kennedy was also dismissive of Johnson's wife, Lady Bird Johnson. She recalled that Lady Bird Johnson would follow her husband around and make notes about his conversations with others, "sort of like a trained hunting dog."

"She had every name, phone number – it was a – ewww – sort of a funny kind of way of operating."

The interviews occurred during a tenuous time in the relationship between Jacqueline Kennedy and President Johnson, historian Michael Beschloss, who wrote the book's introduction and footnotes, told ABC News.

"LBJ made a very big effort to make sure that Jacqueline Kennedy was on the reservation from his point of view, and on these tapes he keeps on calling her up and saying come down to the White House. And she says I can't bear to do it, it'll make me start crying again," Beschloss said. "Johnson had nightmares that he would get to the Democratic Convention in 1964, and in would come Bobby Kennedy and Jackie Kennedy -- stampede the delegates to vote for not LBJ but RFK for president."

Johnson would win renomination in 1964, although his rivalry with Robert Kennedy would continue. Robert Kennedy left his post as Johnson's attorney general in September 1964, and later broke publicly with Johnson on Vietnam.

Robert Kennedy's decision to seek the Democratic nomination in 1968 helped push Johnson out of that race. Robert Kennedy was assassinated in June 1968.